Crowning the King of Kings

Colonel Muammar al-Gaddafi must have seemed an incongruous sight—bedecked in his lavish, though traditional, gold attire with trademark sunglasses, the leader of Libya humbly laid his head down on the table at the African Union summit in Ethiopia in a gesture of diplomatic defeat. The normally confident Gaddafi was facing stiff resistance to his newest geopolitical plan, the United States of Africa. Unsurprisingly, many African nations have reacted coolly to Gaddafi’s plans for a politically united Africa, with the relatively wealthy and stable nations of South Africa, Ethiopia, and Kenya taking a prominent role in the opposition.

Yet despite Gaddafi’s personal failings as a controversial political leader and the sheer impracticality of his vision, he is right to advocate better integration and accountability on the African continent.

The role of unifier and diplomatist for all of Africa might not seem naturally suited to Gaddafi, but his persona will ensure that his efforts receive plenty of publicity. In his 40 years of dictatorial rule, Gaddafi has reinvented his identity as a leader almost as many times as he has stunned with his exotic outfits and female bodyguard. Nor has his rule been without controversy; Gaddafi’s four-decade-long tenure has seen the imposition and removal of sanctions and several high-profile incidents with Western nations, most notably the Lockerbie bombing of 1988, which saw a Pan Am plane explode over Scotland, killing hundreds of innocent civilians.

But, in 2003, Libya pulled an abrupt diplomatic about-face, relinquishing its nuclear program and re-opening ties with Western nations. Though his outfits remain ridiculous, his current identity is not one of warrior against the West, but “King of Kings,” as Gaddafi had himself declared in high style at a public ceremony in Libya last year. With its record of civil war, coups, and regime changes, the African community cannot ignore any ruler who has held power for as long as Gaddafi. Even if they tried, they would be hard-pressed to forget a self-proclaimed high king with such a flair for the dramatic—who happens to rule a country with the oil to support his tastes.

Gaddafi’s high profile has immediately forced the countries of the AU to take notice. The BBC reports that his initial push has been deflected with nations set to reconvene in three months. Yet to assume Gaddafi’s plan was a simple, direct push for unification underestimates the wily dictator. Unification in Africa is now a topic that will not fade away, at least for the next year of Gaddafi’s chairmanship.

With so many challenges to face, the AU should not resist efforts to bolster its power and infrastructure. Gaddafi might go too far in his suggestion of one military force, one currency, and one passport, but perhaps measures to this effect would help prevent the internal strife and lack of accountability crippling parts of Africa today.

A case where greater African unity could have a major impact is the failed state of Somalia, where a vicious internecine conflict has raged since the collapse of central government in 1991. Somalia has been a center of lawlessness and disorder for some years now, and failed military intervention by the United States and Ethiopia in 1993 and 2006 demonstrates that only a much stronger, multilateral African group can have any hope of success.

To make matters worse, Ethiopian troops are leaving Somalia, and the AU’s armed forces cannot step in to maintain peace in the country. The AU troops in Somalia consist entirely of Ugandan and Burundian troops, and according to reports these troops are planning to leave the country, with the Ethiopians even staying longer than planned to protect their retreat.

This development represents not only a military withdrawal, but also a defeat for the AU and its ability to promote stability and order in its nations. Gaddafi’s pressure to bolster the AU can only help in this regard; though a continental army might be impractical, greater cooperation and expansion in the AU’s armed forces is necessary in order to restore some sort of stability to Somalia and support the transitional federal government.

Gaddafi’s plan is especially important because of Africa’s complicated relationship with the United Nations and Europe. Many of the nations in positions to provide support and military assistance for the AU are the very nations that colonized Africa decades or centuries ago. Gaddafi’s call for a united Africa represents an African-born, African-comprised initiative.

This is especially important because of UN negligence in the region; the humanitarian organization Médecins Sans Frontières has accused the UN of “ignoring” violence currently committed in the northeast of the Congo. Moreover, the UN has limited resources and cannot devote all its attention to Africa.

Improving accountability and the role of the African community in self-policing are objectives seemingly in harmony with Colonel Gaddafi’s broader aims. Gaddafi’s grand ambition will likely not be realized in the near future, but it is important that he continue to raise the issue and move other African leaders to seek compromises with his policies that will move Africa toward a stronger, united position.

Africa’s other leaders may not fancy Gaddafi a higher African ruler to whom they should relinquish autonomy. His vision, however, could not be timelier. Africa has simply too many crises and areas of attention for the UN and current AU apparatus to cover. For those who envision an African community capable of handling its own problems and promoting peace, Gaddafi may prove the champion of such a dream.


Alexander R. Konrad ’11, a Crimson editorial writer, is a history concentrator in Quincy House.