Personal Politics

When the personal became political for a grape grower's son and a former political committee chair of RAZA last year, a seemingly simple decision to serve grapes in Harvard's dining halls sparked a campus-wide debate on workers' rights that eventually made national headlines.

It seemed only natural that Adam R. Kovacevich '99 would defend his family's labor practices in light of the United Farm Workers' longstanding boycott of the fruit because of allegations of mistreatment of grape workers. Like-wise, Sergio J. Campos '00, a leader of RAZA, a Mexican-American/Latino student group, said by virtue of his Hispanic heritage, it should come as no surprise that he organized a candlelight vigil in honor of the laborers, who are often migrant Mexicans and Mexican-Americans.

In a year of renewed student activism, identity--whether it was centered around an ethnic heritage or a political tradition--was often the catalyst behind protests, boycotts and ad hoc coalitions. Identity politics motivated a coalition of ethnic student groups to demand a place in the pre-frosh extracurricular fair, a musical group to question its racial composition and a student group to bridge an internal ideological divide.

But as identity politics became increasingly prominent on campus over the course of the year, the use of the personal in pursuing the political raised its own set of concerns. Its effects can be exclusionary, some argued, while others said a primarily personal identification with a political issue makes rational debates nearly impossible.

The power of personal politics colored the campus political scene and produced a wave of identity-driven activism this year. At a university which prides itself on the diversity of its student body and the outspokenness of its students, a combination of the two promises to provide more than enough conflicting view-points or debatable perspectives to keep things interesting for a long time to come.

Protests in the Streets

When Jiang Zemin, president of the People's Republic of China, made Harvard a stop on his cross-country tour, nearly 5,000 demonstrators swarmed Cambridge's streets, creating crowds surpassed in size only by protests during the Vietnam War. (See related story, page C-3)

Steady rain and a strong wind did little to dampen the spirits of Chinese dissidents and loyal nationalists who rallied for human rights, a free Tibet, or a united China. Shouts of "Go Home, Jiang!" and "One China" intermingled over Kirkland Street, creating a dull roar inside a packed Sanders Theatre where Jiang addressed Harvard faculty and students and the national press.

Among the crowds were people like Yan Kang, a Chinese national and graduate student at Yale University, who said economic development was more important to the Chinese people than any human rights violation.

"If you're starving, you can't worry about freedom of speech," he said as he proudly waved the Chinese flag.

Kang rallied alongside protesters like Yeshi Lokitsang--a Tibetan woman wearing the chuba, a traditional Tibetan dress--who arrived at 7:30 a.m. to prepare for Jiang's 10 a.m. arrival.

"We're here for our country, for a free Tibet and also for those who are in prison in Tibet. We want to free prisoners," she said, waving a placard with the photo and name of a Tibetan political prisoner.

But a personal link to Jiang or China did not prove necessary for all who protested under the banner of Taiwanese Cultural Society (TCS) and the Students for a Free Tibet. A few Bostonians without affiliation to any identity group were present at the protests. They draped American flags over their shoulders to protest the red carpet the United States had rolled out for Jiang. And Chinese dissident Harry Wu spoke to crowds on such universal issues as the value of human rights.

"Identity was obviously a motivating factor but it wasn't the only thing that really mattered," said Chienlan Hsu '99, former TCS president, in an interview last week. "We just wanted people--regardless of their background--to be aware of the situation. A lot of people may be personally affected, but a lot of other people might also be interested, even if they are one step removed."

Still, Andrew G.W. Chung '99, former president of the Chinese Students Association (CSA), argued in an e-mail message sent out just before Jiang's arrival at Harvard, that the appeals to identity in the debates surrounding Jiang's visit reduced the Chinese president's chance of actually being heard.

"I, for one, want to hear President Jiang's side of the tale before I crucify him like everyone else," Chung wrote in his e-mail.

In an interview with The Crimson, Chung said he supports "objectivity, looking at a situation with an objective viewpoint and not being so quick to jump on the human rights bandwagon."

Identity politics, for Chung at least, did not seem to allow room for the objective.

The Great Grape Debate

Chung's argument was echoed by Kovacevich as well during the flurry of activity surrounding the grape referendum in November.

Kovacevich, whose family owns a grape farm outside of Bakersfield, Calif., said most of the people attracted to his ad hoc Grape Coalition--organized to protest the boycott--had no agricultural background.

"Politics was definitely part of their identity but their politics were different from the labor politics of our opposition," Kovacevich said.

The group postered the Yard and set up a table tent with its platform which ultimately swayed the student body in a 1,694 to 1,472 vote calling for the return grapes of to Sunday brunch.

"It's hard to debate against people who have a high emotional and personal investment in the issue," Kovacevich says. "One of the things about the grape debate was that a surprisingly large number of people reached a conclusion without thinking through the issue."

But while grapes may have divided undergraduates like Campos and Kovacevich, both agree that almost everyone can participate in some version of identity politics.

"It goes a lot farther than just [ethnic] identity," said Campos, explaining that RAZA--which immediately mobilized to uphold Harvard's ban on grapes--worked with the Progressive Student Labor Move- ment, UNITE! and Education 4 Action during thedebate.

"These are a bunch of people that wouldn'tnecessarily identify with us culturally but who doidentify with us over the injustices inCalifornia," said Campos, who following the grapedebate was elected RAZA's president. "A type ofelectricity develops when you work on thesecampaigns. People start to discovercommonalities--like an excitement to becomeactive."

Rainbow Coalition

Caroline T. Nguyen '00, co-president of theAsian American Association (AAA), was a firsthandwitness to the type of coalitions that can formwhen identity-based groups share a common cause.

When the Undergraduate Admissions Council (UAC)decided to limit the number of extracurriculargroups at the pre-frosh extracurricular fairbecause of space considerations in Eliot Housedining hall, the first organizations to go wereethnic student groups.

In an e-mail message sent to student leaders,Kovacevich, who is also the UAC co-chair, said thecouncil felt the fairest policy was "to select across-sampling of groups that tend to representextracurricular `niches' on campus." Many ethnicgroups already host their own receptions and wouldbe represented in a panel discussion of minoritygroups, Kovacevich added.

Nguyen fought back, arguing that the council'sselection process undermined the fair's claim torepresent campus extracurricular life. Nguyen, whois also a Crimson editor, rallied other studentgroups to her cause, asking them to sign a letterof protest drafted by AAA.

While the UAC resolved the issue by reversingits decision, student leaders said the mostimportant lesson to be learned from the crisis wasthat different student groups could cooperate.

"I think the huge response we received from allmembers of the student body is a very goodindication of what cooperation can do for studentson this campus," said Jay F. Chen '00, AAAco-president and a Crimson executive. "Things canchange and they can start with just one person."

Many student organizations, from RAZA to theWomen's Leadership conference, agreed to co-signthe letter with AAA, and the Phillips Brooks HouseAssociation offered to host a separateextracurricular fair for ethnic organizations onits premises.

"I think people who are approaching issues froman identity point of view have much more atstake," Nguyen says. "From [the UAC's] point ofview, it was perfectly logical to exclude ethnicgroups. But we're being passionate because we seeit as discrimination. We wouldn't protest it if itwasn't discrimination."

This passion, Nguyen argues, makes the use ofidentity politics on campus an inclusivephenomenon.

"If we reinforce these issues, people willbegin to understand. That's really what we'reafter," she says.

A Black Experience?

But the prevalence of identity politics oncampus this year was not entirely a force forunification.

When one member questioned the gospel choir'sincreasing non-black membership in an e-mailmessage titled "KUUMBACIDE??," theHarvard-Radcliffe Kuumba Singers was forced todiscuss larger questions about the meaning of acultural organization.

In a discussion over the group's open e-maillist and a closed forum in early April, somemembers questioned if the group's demographicshift had compromised the group's ability tofulfill its constitutionally-stated mission to"share and explore the full wealth of the musicalculture of Black people."

The original e-mail message asked members toconsider gospel history and the search for anAfrican American identity that surrounded thegroup's founding 25 years ago.

"Understand that when we stand beforeChristians and sing to Christ with an air ofapathy, we could be understood as not takingChristianity seriously," read the message, whichwas provided to The Crimson by a member of thegroup. "Understand that when we go before a blackchurch or a black elementary school and say we'reabout to sing gospel with nearly half our memberswhite, we immediately bear the burden of proof."

While Kuumba director Robert Winfrey emphasizedthe inclusive nature of the Kuumba experience in aFebruary interview with The Crimson, anotherCambia member asked whether the group can"honestly say we're sharing a black traditiontogether?"

Although no one has explicitly suggestedlimiting the number of non-black members in thegroup, most members say these issues of identitywill require serious discussion before aresolution can be reached. E-mail messages inresponse to the original Kuumbacide questionraised viewpoints as diverse as the group'smembers.

"I would assume that we would have to continuethe debate because nothing was resolved and itdefeats the purpose if it isn't," said Kuumbasinger Anna B. Benvenutti '00 after the Aprilforum.

Compromise in the Works

An ideological divide in an identity groupforced the Bisexual, Gay, Lesbian, Transgender andSupporters Alliance (BGLTSA) to impeach anofficer, nullify elections and struggle to reach acompromise between two camps this semester.

Problems within the BGLTSA surfaced in Februarywhen David A. Campbell '00, the group's formervice chair, was impeached by the BGLTSA executiveboard and the results of the elections thatCampbell organized were thrown out.

While Lauralee Summer '98, a former BGLTSAco-chair, said Campbell's impeachment stemmed fromhis persistence in pursuing issues the group didnot agree with, Campbell said he felt alienatedfrom the group's politics.

He later cited the postering campaign duringApril's Queer Harvard Month as an example of whathe sees as the group's misguided methods. Signsprominently featuring words like "vulva" or "fag,"Campbell argued, alienate conservative members ofthe gay community as well as mainstream Harvardand mainstream America.

"What type of behavior or face do werepresent?" asked Campbell, who is a Crimsoneditor. "Do we want someone who representsdominant culture or do want an S&M leather queen?I was seen as selling out to dominant culture," hesaid in April.

Still, the BGLTSA members who took office in anew round of elections following Campbell'simpeachment said they are confident they can finda compromise that meets the needs of both camps.

Adam A. Sofen '01, the BGLTSA's currentco-chair, said he is "proof that you can be aso-called sellout and still prosper on theBGLTSA."

"The BGLTSA board encompasses all types," saidSofen, who is a Crimson editor. "My style is morethe assimilationist user-friendly style. I'm notout to shock anyone, but I'm also not about tocensor anyone."

Sofen's partner in the BGLTSA leadership, onthe other hand, is Nicole L. DeBlosi '99, whoexplains that "proving that I'm `normal' is notwhat I'm going to do." An active member of theQueer Action Group, DeBlosi was behind many of theposters Campbell said he found alienating.

Sofen, though, says he still sees value in bothapproaches and both gay identities.

"It takes both--Nicole DeBlosi to shout andDave Campbell to calm her down," he said. "Ifwe're getting to gain acceptance in the Americancommunity and remain united as a movement, bothapproaches are necessary."Crimson File PhotoFree Tibet protestors demonstrate at ChinaPresident Jiang Zemin's Harvard speech inNovember.

"These are a bunch of people that wouldn'tnecessarily identify with us culturally but who doidentify with us over the injustices inCalifornia," said Campos, who following the grapedebate was elected RAZA's president. "A type ofelectricity develops when you work on thesecampaigns. People start to discovercommonalities--like an excitement to becomeactive."

Rainbow Coalition

Caroline T. Nguyen '00, co-president of theAsian American Association (AAA), was a firsthandwitness to the type of coalitions that can formwhen identity-based groups share a common cause.

When the Undergraduate Admissions Council (UAC)decided to limit the number of extracurriculargroups at the pre-frosh extracurricular fairbecause of space considerations in Eliot Housedining hall, the first organizations to go wereethnic student groups.

In an e-mail message sent to student leaders,Kovacevich, who is also the UAC co-chair, said thecouncil felt the fairest policy was "to select across-sampling of groups that tend to representextracurricular `niches' on campus." Many ethnicgroups already host their own receptions and wouldbe represented in a panel discussion of minoritygroups, Kovacevich added.

Nguyen fought back, arguing that the council'sselection process undermined the fair's claim torepresent campus extracurricular life. Nguyen, whois also a Crimson editor, rallied other studentgroups to her cause, asking them to sign a letterof protest drafted by AAA.

While the UAC resolved the issue by reversingits decision, student leaders said the mostimportant lesson to be learned from the crisis wasthat different student groups could cooperate.

"I think the huge response we received from allmembers of the student body is a very goodindication of what cooperation can do for studentson this campus," said Jay F. Chen '00, AAAco-president and a Crimson executive. "Things canchange and they can start with just one person."

Many student organizations, from RAZA to theWomen's Leadership conference, agreed to co-signthe letter with AAA, and the Phillips Brooks HouseAssociation offered to host a separateextracurricular fair for ethnic organizations onits premises.

"I think people who are approaching issues froman identity point of view have much more atstake," Nguyen says. "From [the UAC's] point ofview, it was perfectly logical to exclude ethnicgroups. But we're being passionate because we seeit as discrimination. We wouldn't protest it if itwasn't discrimination."

This passion, Nguyen argues, makes the use ofidentity politics on campus an inclusivephenomenon.

"If we reinforce these issues, people willbegin to understand. That's really what we'reafter," she says.

A Black Experience?

But the prevalence of identity politics oncampus this year was not entirely a force forunification.

When one member questioned the gospel choir'sincreasing non-black membership in an e-mailmessage titled "KUUMBACIDE??," theHarvard-Radcliffe Kuumba Singers was forced todiscuss larger questions about the meaning of acultural organization.

In a discussion over the group's open e-maillist and a closed forum in early April, somemembers questioned if the group's demographicshift had compromised the group's ability tofulfill its constitutionally-stated mission to"share and explore the full wealth of the musicalculture of Black people."

The original e-mail message asked members toconsider gospel history and the search for anAfrican American identity that surrounded thegroup's founding 25 years ago.

"Understand that when we stand beforeChristians and sing to Christ with an air ofapathy, we could be understood as not takingChristianity seriously," read the message, whichwas provided to The Crimson by a member of thegroup. "Understand that when we go before a blackchurch or a black elementary school and say we'reabout to sing gospel with nearly half our memberswhite, we immediately bear the burden of proof."

While Kuumba director Robert Winfrey emphasizedthe inclusive nature of the Kuumba experience in aFebruary interview with The Crimson, anotherCambia member asked whether the group can"honestly say we're sharing a black traditiontogether?"

Although no one has explicitly suggestedlimiting the number of non-black members in thegroup, most members say these issues of identitywill require serious discussion before aresolution can be reached. E-mail messages inresponse to the original Kuumbacide questionraised viewpoints as diverse as the group'smembers.

"I would assume that we would have to continuethe debate because nothing was resolved and itdefeats the purpose if it isn't," said Kuumbasinger Anna B. Benvenutti '00 after the Aprilforum.

Compromise in the Works

An ideological divide in an identity groupforced the Bisexual, Gay, Lesbian, Transgender andSupporters Alliance (BGLTSA) to impeach anofficer, nullify elections and struggle to reach acompromise between two camps this semester.

Problems within the BGLTSA surfaced in Februarywhen David A. Campbell '00, the group's formervice chair, was impeached by the BGLTSA executiveboard and the results of the elections thatCampbell organized were thrown out.

While Lauralee Summer '98, a former BGLTSAco-chair, said Campbell's impeachment stemmed fromhis persistence in pursuing issues the group didnot agree with, Campbell said he felt alienatedfrom the group's politics.

He later cited the postering campaign duringApril's Queer Harvard Month as an example of whathe sees as the group's misguided methods. Signsprominently featuring words like "vulva" or "fag,"Campbell argued, alienate conservative members ofthe gay community as well as mainstream Harvardand mainstream America.

"What type of behavior or face do werepresent?" asked Campbell, who is a Crimsoneditor. "Do we want someone who representsdominant culture or do want an S&M leather queen?I was seen as selling out to dominant culture," hesaid in April.

Still, the BGLTSA members who took office in anew round of elections following Campbell'simpeachment said they are confident they can finda compromise that meets the needs of both camps.

Adam A. Sofen '01, the BGLTSA's currentco-chair, said he is "proof that you can be aso-called sellout and still prosper on theBGLTSA."

"The BGLTSA board encompasses all types," saidSofen, who is a Crimson editor. "My style is morethe assimilationist user-friendly style. I'm notout to shock anyone, but I'm also not about tocensor anyone."

Sofen's partner in the BGLTSA leadership, onthe other hand, is Nicole L. DeBlosi '99, whoexplains that "proving that I'm `normal' is notwhat I'm going to do." An active member of theQueer Action Group, DeBlosi was behind many of theposters Campbell said he found alienating.

Sofen, though, says he still sees value in bothapproaches and both gay identities.

"It takes both--Nicole DeBlosi to shout andDave Campbell to calm her down," he said. "Ifwe're getting to gain acceptance in the Americancommunity and remain united as a movement, bothapproaches are necessary."Crimson File PhotoFree Tibet protestors demonstrate at ChinaPresident Jiang Zemin's Harvard speech inNovember.