Is Rudenstine's A National Voice?

In the world of American higher education, there is a hierarchy, and Harvard is undoubtedly at the top.

But along with the privilege of attracting the best students and faculty in the world comes the responsibility of serving as a role model for other institutions of higher learning.

For example, whenever a national movement threatens higher education, the world looks toward Cambridge for guidance.

This year, a number of glances have been directed toward Harvard Square--and toward Massachusetts Hall in particular. Congressional representatives on both sides of the political aisle have promised massive cuts in funding of research and student aid. And across the land, interested parties have sought the leadership of President Neil L. Rudenstine.

At this decisive moment, his successes and shortcomings have been magnified.

Rudenstine possesses an impressive ability to relate to Congressional representatives in one-on-one conversations. And he has shown willingness to be a team player, fighting his battles with support from other universities.

But Rudenstine's leadership appears lacking in other areas. He has not participated wholeheartedly in associations the lobby on behalf of education. He seems reluctant to speak out in public and on the op-ed pages of newspapers, ostensibly ceding his place at the bully pulpit of higher education.

Although the threat of research and aid cuts appears to have somewhat diminished, his actions in previous months have raised questions about Rudenstine's ability and willingness to serve effectively as the nation's chief spokesperson for the interests of higher education.

The Crisis

"I think this is a very unusual moment," Rudenstine says. "I think this is the most critical moment for federal funding of higher education since the Second World War."

"Crisis" Has been the word on the lips of many university presidents this spring.

A new Congress swept into office last January with a sharpened axe in hand and the federal budget on the chopping block. And education dollars have been near the top of the list of endangered funding.

One target is student aid. Congress's proposals have centered on removing the provisions which allow students to avoid interest payments while in school.

The prospect of these cuts is particularly worrisome to Harvard, which maintains a need-blind admissions policy and a commitment to meet students' demonstrated need.

Science is another target. The 50-year-old mantra of ever-expanding government support of basic research has been attacked.

"The is the most important national set of decisions in a long time," says Dean of the School of Public Health Harvey V. Fineberg '67. "We have a 50-year partnership between government and universities which has produced a tremendous amount on everything from diets to heart disease."

"That Wonderful success story is in jeopardy because of very short-sighted decision to turn away from these investments," he says.

But the situation is not as dire today as it was a few months ago. Since his return to office in February from a three-month medical leave, Rudenstine has done significant lobbying in person and by telephone with members of Congress. Deferred interest for undergraduate loans now appears safe, he says, although cuts still loom for graduate students.

In addition, although proposed cuts in research funding are still drastic, they are less severe than originally planned, he says.

But although the immediate dangers appear to have subsided, Rudenstine will spend the rest of the decade facing a much tougher political climate than did any of his recent predecessors.

Under President Nathan M. Pusey '28, who was in office from 1953 until 1971, there was almost no regular involvement with the federal government. Quite the contrary, Pusey tried to keep away from the government whenever possible.

According to Pusey's successor, Derek C. Bok, there were three factors that changed around 1971, when he took office: federal money allocated to research began to level off, student aid began to be used on a larger scale and universities became subject to federal regulations such as Title IX and affirmative action.

"Before 1970, the role of government was giving an endlessly increasing research support and [very few] questions were asked," Bok recalls. "Then research assistance to higher education began to level off and sometimes decline in real terms."

Bok established Harvard's Office of Government, Community and Public Affairs to keep tabs on changes in funding and government regulations.

In the 1980s, the Reagan Administration targeted financial aid as part of a large-scale assault on social programs.

"Mr. Reagan would repeatedly come in with proposals for major reductions in student aid," Bok says. "It seems like every year I went down to Congressional hearings and testified."

(Rudenstine has not testified in front of Congress during his four years as president, according to the Congressional CIS index. Bok testified eight times during his presidency, but only once in his first seven years in office.)

But even those challenges under Bok pale in comparison to the present threats.

"I saw Derek when there were some minor financial aid crises, but the one now and even more importantly the research issues is going to be a serious issue for the country," says Fred L. Glimp '50, vice president for development and alumni affairs.

This sentiment is echoed by Jane H. Corlette, a University director of government relations.

"Its a lot harder now, because there is a shrinking pie," Corlette says. "Derek [Bok] had a growing pie and did not have to defend against cuts."

With such prospects, the leader of any institution would have his work cut out for him. But as one who is looked to as a leader in higher education, the pressure on Harvard's president is even more intense.

The Bully Pulpit?

The role of the Harvard president is not easily definable. Instead, it is reshaped with each administration.

Still, the post carries with it certainresponsibilities that its occupant simply cannotavoid.

"In the world of higher education there aregreat expectations of Harvard and Harvard'spresident," says Robert H. Atwell, president ofthe American Council on Education (ACE).

As the best-known name in higher education,Harvard commands an unusual amount of attention onan op-ed page or at a speech. And as one of thenation's most esteemed schools, Harvard is watched-- and, some say, emulated.

In short, the president of Harvard is a voicefor higher education that is "going to be listenedto," Corlette says.

Bok says this is the ideal role for theUniversity.

"Harvard should be a leader because people willpay attention to what we do as much as to anyother single institution," says Bok, whoemphasizes throughout that he does not keep tabson Rudenstine's activities and is in no waycriticizing him. "And that poses a certainresponsibility."

But there are drawbacks to speaking out. As anelite institution, Harvard may not berepresentative of higher education. And some inthe public are annoyed by the notion of Harvardand its $6 billion endowment coming to Washingtonbegging for money.

This, in fact, is the reasoning offered by someadministrators, notably Provost Albert Carnesale,to justify the University's relatively lowprofile.

"We try not to be out in front in a visible waybecause we are not perceived as poor and becausepeople think of our students as having the worldas their oyster," Carnesale says.

But the choice of paths and the degree ofreliance on combined efforts is a subject ofdebate.

"If there is an issue that Harvard feels isimportant and the other universities feel isimportant I think they need to work not only as aninstitution, but within associations," says MikeAicken, director of government relations for theCollege and University Personnel Association.

Others have a different perspective. Accordingto one official, presidents can speak outcollectively to some extent but also need to actindependently.

"Presidents should, not unlike individualcitizens, speak up if they have different pointsof view," says Donald K. Hess, vice president ofadministration at the University of Rochester.

Rudenstine recognizes the need for cooperativeefforts.

"I think there is a strong place for Harvard atthe table and I've been pretty involved and I'vebeen pretty involved and I've probably put moretime in than...I don't know what the normal amountof time is," he says.

In fact, much of his time has been spent incooperation with other universities, he says, andit is difficult to appraise how much of a leaderhe has been in group efforts.

"I think it would be a real mistake to not seethis...as a collaborative effort because itaffects everybody," Rudenstine says.

But by many accounts, Rudenstine appears not tobe taking full advantage of the role of leadershiphis position offers.

"Your president in general and higher educationas a whole tend to be much more reactive. Theydon't get out there until a problem has arisen,"Aicken says.

Other leaders agree and few point to Rudenstineas a particularly active party.

"[Former Yale president A. Bartlett] Giamattispoke out on issues," says James E. Perley,president of the American Association ofUniversity Professors. "I wouldn't fault NeilRudenstine for not being a forceful leader. Ithink he's a president in the new style ofleaders."

But Row says Rudenstine has been an effectivenational leader.

"I think he's a voice both for Harvard andhigher education," he says. "He is someone who hasbeen in Washington talking with officials on thephone and he writes a good number of letters toofficials and staff."

Associations

One of Rudenstine's most often citedshortcomings is his lack of participation inWashington's education lobbying groups.

These groups play an important role inmonitoring congress's day-to-day progress oneducation issues. And their overview of particularissues allows them to plan strategies for--and bethe focus of --lobbying efforts.

Rudenstine emphasizes that the issues Congresshas targeted are funding for basic research andfinancial aid for graduate students-- both ofwhich of lie outside the domain of Colleges.

So he prefers to spend time with theAssociation of American Universities (AAU), afederation of about 75 research schools.

With the AAU, he attends semiannual meetingsand has periodic discussions with other members.In fact, he says much of his lobbying is a "highlycoordinated effort on the part of the AAU."

He says the largest higher educationassociation, the ACE, is too unwieldy forHarvard's current aims. And he does not list othergroups he is involved with.

Rowe mentions the Science Coalition, a group ofabout 15 research universities has set up "withNeil's encouragement" last fall. All theUniversities in the group are also in the AAU, andRowe says he meets each week in Washington withthe group.

But Rowe says the ACE and the AAU' are the mainones."

Others in similar positions seem to have beenmore involved, including Bok, who is answeringquestions about this area, strongly emphasizesthat his associations and activities were built upover his 20-year tenure in office and did not takeplace primarily during the first five years of hisadministration.

Bok was quite active in the ACE, serving on theexecutive committee for several years and as chairfor one.

"Bok helped to guide our government relations,set priorities, gaining access for us and makingphone calls," says ACE president Atwell. "He wasenormously [active]. Rudenstine has not been."

As chair, Bok set the agenda for thisinfluential group.

"I spent a lot of time responding to proposalsof the White House with respect to budget itemsfor higher education, and we would respond andcommunicate to congress," Bok says. "It's not justa question of [visiting] senators, it'smarshalling all the facts and information to dealwith them."

Bok also led the push to redefine the scope ofthe AAU.

"When I first came on board , it was an...oldmen's club, and it was a place where you gottogether under the guise of discussion, andexplained what you were doing on your campus," hesays.

So Bok headed up a task force to reconsider theAAU's role. He wrote a report stressing thechanging landscape and importance of Washingtonwith respect to higher education. He concludedthat the association's activities and missionshould change. Ultimately, the AAU became a majorforce in the education lobby.

"It did lead to some significant changes,particularly in the level of activity in theWashington office," AAU President Cornelius .Pints says of the Bok committee's report.

The proactivity of Bok's involvement withnational groups is shown further by his role on acommittee of university presidents dealing withintercollegiate athletics.

The committee, which Bok chaired, tackled theproblems of low graduation rates for collegeathletes--particularly minorities--and theaccentuation of academics in their lives.

"They were threatening to legislate...and theydidn't do so much because we were making a veryserious effort," Bok says.

The committee produced the landmark Proposition48, penned by Bok himself.

Proposition 48 sets minimum high school gradeand SAT score requirements for athletes to beeligible during their first year.

Bok, of course, had 20 years to developrelationships in Washington and with otheruniversity presidents, so any comparison withRudenstine may be unfair.

But MIT President Charles M. Vest, who beganhim term in October, 1990--five months beforeRudenstine was named president ofHarvard--provides a more appropriate analog.

Vest is a member of the President's Committeeof Advisers on Science and Technology.

He serves on the council on Competitiveness,composed of industry captains and academics whoreview the nation's overall abilities to producegoods.

Two years ago, he chaired a committee ofscientists to review the space station, turningout a report that helped change its design.

"It's a very important part of his strategy,"Ronald P. Suduiko '72, an assistant to MIT'spresident, says of Vest's participation on theCommittees.

Progress With Congress

At the end of the last session of Congress,shortly before elections, Rudenstine sat down with10 senior staffers from Congressional committees.

The president proceeded to explain in a clear,easy-to-understand manner, his positions ontuition, financial aid and need-blind admissions.

The staffers were impressed, insiders say, byRudenstine's willingness and ability to grasp andcommunicate the complexities of such a broad arrayof issues. Furthermore, Rudenstine was well-versedon several other national issues--from student aidto welfare reform--that arose.

In fact, Rudenstine has received praise allaround for his individual lobbying ofCongressional representatives and staffs. He isrenowned for the breadth of his knowledge,garnered from years of feverish reading. And he isknown for his ability to convey a clear sense ofthe benefits of higher education. Both of thesetalents help him immensely in his congressionallobbying.

(It should probably come as no surprise thatRudenstine is an outstanding lobbyist. He is,after all, a superlative fundraiser, and thesecrets of his success in that endeavor translatewell into lobbying.)

Corlette relates a story she heard aboutRudenstine's visit to Rep. Edward J. Markey(D-Mass).

The conversation began slowly betweenRudenstine and the important representative whoused to chair the Communications Committee in theHouse.

The Representative mentioned that he had beenreading a recent issue of Wired, whichdiscusses issues related to cyberspace and theInternet. Rudenstine said the magazine was thewave of the future, and added that his daughter'sbest friend was editor-in-chief.

"It loosened up the conversation," Corlettesays. "It was very disarming, a good example."

Corlette adds that the incident reflectsRudenstine's array of Knowledge and ability toconverse on an expansive range of issues.

"He's quite effective, very persuasive andextremely knowledgeable," she says. "It's amazinghow much he has learned."

Rowe also cites a time when a Republicansenator in his first term, whom he refuses toidentify, made an unsolicited phone call toRudenstine seeking his advice during the Senate'sbudget crunch.

"He was reaching out to Neil as a leader ofhigher education," Rowe says. "Neil's never turnedme down once on a request of his time."

Many administrators and lobbyists say thisapproach is extremely effective in advancing theagenda of higher education.

Senator Edward M. Kennedy '54-56 (D-Mass.)agrees.

"Neil Rudenstine is an effective, respected andeloquent advocate for higher education inWashington," the senator tells The Crimson. "Iparticularly value his counsel now when many vitalaspects of education and student aid are undersiege in Congress."

Speaking Out

Another measure of a president's leadershipability is speaking out on a wide variety ofissues relevant to the national scene, observerssay. By giving speeches, talking to the press andseeking forums in which they can make policystatements, university presidents can mobilize thesupport of the citizens to whom congress isaccountable.

University presidents as a group have beencriticized by some interest groups for notspeaking out enough in recent years.

Perley, the president of the AmericanAssociation of University Professors, says therehas been a tendency for all presidents to be lessvisible.

"There's a trend nationally for presidents tobe more concerned with managements of theirinstitutions than being idea people," Perley says.

Some say that a number of issues affectinghigher education have been set by the wayside.

The president of one interest group says hisorganization has been forced to step updramatically its own publicity efforts because"we're threatened, and there's [nobody] defendingus."

The result is a kind of shortsightedness, sayseveral people familiar with national educationissues.

"My own view is that if we don't speak outindividually and collectively, we deserve ourlosses," the interest group president says.

Many in the field call on university presidentsto broaden their horizons and speak out on agreater variety of issues.

In the past several months, Rudenstine says hehas focused Primarily on issues of student aid andresearch since those threats are the mostimmediate and serious.B-10VOICE

Still, the post carries with it certainresponsibilities that its occupant simply cannotavoid.

"In the world of higher education there aregreat expectations of Harvard and Harvard'spresident," says Robert H. Atwell, president ofthe American Council on Education (ACE).

As the best-known name in higher education,Harvard commands an unusual amount of attention onan op-ed page or at a speech. And as one of thenation's most esteemed schools, Harvard is watched-- and, some say, emulated.

In short, the president of Harvard is a voicefor higher education that is "going to be listenedto," Corlette says.

Bok says this is the ideal role for theUniversity.

"Harvard should be a leader because people willpay attention to what we do as much as to anyother single institution," says Bok, whoemphasizes throughout that he does not keep tabson Rudenstine's activities and is in no waycriticizing him. "And that poses a certainresponsibility."

But there are drawbacks to speaking out. As anelite institution, Harvard may not berepresentative of higher education. And some inthe public are annoyed by the notion of Harvardand its $6 billion endowment coming to Washingtonbegging for money.

This, in fact, is the reasoning offered by someadministrators, notably Provost Albert Carnesale,to justify the University's relatively lowprofile.

"We try not to be out in front in a visible waybecause we are not perceived as poor and becausepeople think of our students as having the worldas their oyster," Carnesale says.

But the choice of paths and the degree ofreliance on combined efforts is a subject ofdebate.

"If there is an issue that Harvard feels isimportant and the other universities feel isimportant I think they need to work not only as aninstitution, but within associations," says MikeAicken, director of government relations for theCollege and University Personnel Association.

Others have a different perspective. Accordingto one official, presidents can speak outcollectively to some extent but also need to actindependently.

"Presidents should, not unlike individualcitizens, speak up if they have different pointsof view," says Donald K. Hess, vice president ofadministration at the University of Rochester.

Rudenstine recognizes the need for cooperativeefforts.

"I think there is a strong place for Harvard atthe table and I've been pretty involved and I'vebeen pretty involved and I've probably put moretime in than...I don't know what the normal amountof time is," he says.

In fact, much of his time has been spent incooperation with other universities, he says, andit is difficult to appraise how much of a leaderhe has been in group efforts.

"I think it would be a real mistake to not seethis...as a collaborative effort because itaffects everybody," Rudenstine says.

But by many accounts, Rudenstine appears not tobe taking full advantage of the role of leadershiphis position offers.

"Your president in general and higher educationas a whole tend to be much more reactive. Theydon't get out there until a problem has arisen,"Aicken says.

Other leaders agree and few point to Rudenstineas a particularly active party.

"[Former Yale president A. Bartlett] Giamattispoke out on issues," says James E. Perley,president of the American Association ofUniversity Professors. "I wouldn't fault NeilRudenstine for not being a forceful leader. Ithink he's a president in the new style ofleaders."

But Row says Rudenstine has been an effectivenational leader.

"I think he's a voice both for Harvard andhigher education," he says. "He is someone who hasbeen in Washington talking with officials on thephone and he writes a good number of letters toofficials and staff."

Associations

One of Rudenstine's most often citedshortcomings is his lack of participation inWashington's education lobbying groups.

These groups play an important role inmonitoring congress's day-to-day progress oneducation issues. And their overview of particularissues allows them to plan strategies for--and bethe focus of --lobbying efforts.

Rudenstine emphasizes that the issues Congresshas targeted are funding for basic research andfinancial aid for graduate students-- both ofwhich of lie outside the domain of Colleges.

So he prefers to spend time with theAssociation of American Universities (AAU), afederation of about 75 research schools.

With the AAU, he attends semiannual meetingsand has periodic discussions with other members.In fact, he says much of his lobbying is a "highlycoordinated effort on the part of the AAU."

He says the largest higher educationassociation, the ACE, is too unwieldy forHarvard's current aims. And he does not list othergroups he is involved with.

Rowe mentions the Science Coalition, a group ofabout 15 research universities has set up "withNeil's encouragement" last fall. All theUniversities in the group are also in the AAU, andRowe says he meets each week in Washington withthe group.

But Rowe says the ACE and the AAU' are the mainones."

Others in similar positions seem to have beenmore involved, including Bok, who is answeringquestions about this area, strongly emphasizesthat his associations and activities were built upover his 20-year tenure in office and did not takeplace primarily during the first five years of hisadministration.

Bok was quite active in the ACE, serving on theexecutive committee for several years and as chairfor one.

"Bok helped to guide our government relations,set priorities, gaining access for us and makingphone calls," says ACE president Atwell. "He wasenormously [active]. Rudenstine has not been."

As chair, Bok set the agenda for thisinfluential group.

"I spent a lot of time responding to proposalsof the White House with respect to budget itemsfor higher education, and we would respond andcommunicate to congress," Bok says. "It's not justa question of [visiting] senators, it'smarshalling all the facts and information to dealwith them."

Bok also led the push to redefine the scope ofthe AAU.

"When I first came on board , it was an...oldmen's club, and it was a place where you gottogether under the guise of discussion, andexplained what you were doing on your campus," hesays.

So Bok headed up a task force to reconsider theAAU's role. He wrote a report stressing thechanging landscape and importance of Washingtonwith respect to higher education. He concludedthat the association's activities and missionshould change. Ultimately, the AAU became a majorforce in the education lobby.

"It did lead to some significant changes,particularly in the level of activity in theWashington office," AAU President Cornelius .Pints says of the Bok committee's report.

The proactivity of Bok's involvement withnational groups is shown further by his role on acommittee of university presidents dealing withintercollegiate athletics.

The committee, which Bok chaired, tackled theproblems of low graduation rates for collegeathletes--particularly minorities--and theaccentuation of academics in their lives.

"They were threatening to legislate...and theydidn't do so much because we were making a veryserious effort," Bok says.

The committee produced the landmark Proposition48, penned by Bok himself.

Proposition 48 sets minimum high school gradeand SAT score requirements for athletes to beeligible during their first year.

Bok, of course, had 20 years to developrelationships in Washington and with otheruniversity presidents, so any comparison withRudenstine may be unfair.

But MIT President Charles M. Vest, who beganhim term in October, 1990--five months beforeRudenstine was named president ofHarvard--provides a more appropriate analog.

Vest is a member of the President's Committeeof Advisers on Science and Technology.

He serves on the council on Competitiveness,composed of industry captains and academics whoreview the nation's overall abilities to producegoods.

Two years ago, he chaired a committee ofscientists to review the space station, turningout a report that helped change its design.

"It's a very important part of his strategy,"Ronald P. Suduiko '72, an assistant to MIT'spresident, says of Vest's participation on theCommittees.

Progress With Congress

At the end of the last session of Congress,shortly before elections, Rudenstine sat down with10 senior staffers from Congressional committees.

The president proceeded to explain in a clear,easy-to-understand manner, his positions ontuition, financial aid and need-blind admissions.

The staffers were impressed, insiders say, byRudenstine's willingness and ability to grasp andcommunicate the complexities of such a broad arrayof issues. Furthermore, Rudenstine was well-versedon several other national issues--from student aidto welfare reform--that arose.

In fact, Rudenstine has received praise allaround for his individual lobbying ofCongressional representatives and staffs. He isrenowned for the breadth of his knowledge,garnered from years of feverish reading. And he isknown for his ability to convey a clear sense ofthe benefits of higher education. Both of thesetalents help him immensely in his congressionallobbying.

(It should probably come as no surprise thatRudenstine is an outstanding lobbyist. He is,after all, a superlative fundraiser, and thesecrets of his success in that endeavor translatewell into lobbying.)

Corlette relates a story she heard aboutRudenstine's visit to Rep. Edward J. Markey(D-Mass).

The conversation began slowly betweenRudenstine and the important representative whoused to chair the Communications Committee in theHouse.

The Representative mentioned that he had beenreading a recent issue of Wired, whichdiscusses issues related to cyberspace and theInternet. Rudenstine said the magazine was thewave of the future, and added that his daughter'sbest friend was editor-in-chief.

"It loosened up the conversation," Corlettesays. "It was very disarming, a good example."

Corlette adds that the incident reflectsRudenstine's array of Knowledge and ability toconverse on an expansive range of issues.

"He's quite effective, very persuasive andextremely knowledgeable," she says. "It's amazinghow much he has learned."

Rowe also cites a time when a Republicansenator in his first term, whom he refuses toidentify, made an unsolicited phone call toRudenstine seeking his advice during the Senate'sbudget crunch.

"He was reaching out to Neil as a leader ofhigher education," Rowe says. "Neil's never turnedme down once on a request of his time."

Many administrators and lobbyists say thisapproach is extremely effective in advancing theagenda of higher education.

Senator Edward M. Kennedy '54-56 (D-Mass.)agrees.

"Neil Rudenstine is an effective, respected andeloquent advocate for higher education inWashington," the senator tells The Crimson. "Iparticularly value his counsel now when many vitalaspects of education and student aid are undersiege in Congress."

Speaking Out

Another measure of a president's leadershipability is speaking out on a wide variety ofissues relevant to the national scene, observerssay. By giving speeches, talking to the press andseeking forums in which they can make policystatements, university presidents can mobilize thesupport of the citizens to whom congress isaccountable.

University presidents as a group have beencriticized by some interest groups for notspeaking out enough in recent years.

Perley, the president of the AmericanAssociation of University Professors, says therehas been a tendency for all presidents to be lessvisible.

"There's a trend nationally for presidents tobe more concerned with managements of theirinstitutions than being idea people," Perley says.

Some say that a number of issues affectinghigher education have been set by the wayside.

The president of one interest group says hisorganization has been forced to step updramatically its own publicity efforts because"we're threatened, and there's [nobody] defendingus."

The result is a kind of shortsightedness, sayseveral people familiar with national educationissues.

"My own view is that if we don't speak outindividually and collectively, we deserve ourlosses," the interest group president says.

Many in the field call on university presidentsto broaden their horizons and speak out on agreater variety of issues.

In the past several months, Rudenstine says hehas focused Primarily on issues of student aid andresearch since those threats are the mostimmediate and serious.B-10VOICE