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The growing hordes of American troops who are slowly taking over Haiti are carrying thousands of pounds of weaponry, ammunition and supplies. They are also carrying something else. Each and every one of them carries a bright red bullseye on his back. And just as the assorted gear designed to protect them has been provided by their government, so has that mark, a mark which could cost them their lives.
Ironically, it is an excessive fear of casualties that has painted that mark on our soldiers abroad. The pattern was set in Somalia. There, a disgruntled warlord who didn't like the direction of the American operation arranged several ambushes in which United Nations soldiers where killed. When American troops pursued his forces, he struck at them, leaving a dozen Rangers dead.
The casualties completely turned the American commitment on its head. Rather than aggressively pursuing the warlord, as was stated policy, the Americans drew back, startled. Magazines splashed pictures of dead Americans across their covers, and the Clinton administration seemed as shocked as anyone. Within a few weeks, American participation in the Somalia operation was severely curtailed. Just a few weeks ago, the last Americans left and the warlords now are free again to wreak havoc on their society.
The junta in Haiti learned the lesson. When last year, a lightly-armed American contingent travelled to Haiti to pave the way for Aristide's return, they were met by a junta-organized mob on the docks, openly threatening "another Somalia."
Now the tables have turned, or so it would seem. The junta is on the defensive as American troops dictate how they may and may not treat their people. But the lesson is not forgotten. Just two days ago, the Haitian police tried to stage an ambush. Police teamed with plaincloths junta-supporters in an attempt to draw American blood. The attempt failed. U.S. Marines killed 10-Haitian policemen without taking a serious casualty.
They will try again. If the junta is seriously intent on remaining in power, the American presence, with its goal of restoring Aristide and civilizing (read: disarming) the military, is unacceptable. If the Clinton administration sticks to its pattern, even a few American casualties might lead to the mission's premature termination. Such, no doubt, is the junta's mindset. Cedras and company have little to lose; if they sit back passively, they will be thrown from power in a few weeks.
If the junta does cause American casualties or deaths, our response will be crucial. The president must at once defend and re-explain the mission to the American people (something that was never done with Somalia). American commitment to the mission of restoring democracy should be steadfast.
We might also use any further violence as a means of doing what we should have done in the first place (and might have done had it not been for the not-so-divine intervention of Jimmy Carter)--kicking the junta not only out of power, but out of Haiti. Their presence will be a continued obstacle and danger for both Aristide and his (hopefully) democratic successors.
In Haiti, we will likely pay the price for our timidity and poor planning in Somalia; American soldiers will be prized targets. If we turn tail again when the road becomes rocky, the next mission we take on will be that much more difficult, and the bulls-eyes on the backs of our soldiers will be that much more inviting.
David L. Bosco's column appears on alternate Wednesdays.
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