Roosevelt Employs Curious Strategy

When a candidate has no money, trails his popular opponent in every poll, and faces frequent televised attacks on his character, he may need to take drastic action.

But even under these difficult circumstances, it's hard to understand the reasoning behind a decision by gubernatorial candidate and state Rep. Mark Roosevelt '78 (D-Beacon Hill) to take an unpopular stand on one of the year's hottest election issues.

In his campaign against Gov. William F. Weld '66, Roosevelt has become an outspoken critic of expanding casino gambling in Massachusetts. It's a curious strategy; casino gambling is an idea which enjoys the support not only of Weld, but also of the majority of the state's residents.

For Roosevelt, restraining the growth of gambling has become a defining issue of the campaign.

"Bill Weld envisions a Massachusetts with casinos in every region. If Bill Weld gets his way, we'll see....the failure of legitimate business," Roosevelt said last month after winning the primary. "I will never turn my back on the working people of Massachusetts."

But many say that, so far, Roosevelt's strategy has backfired.

"He's going south in the polls, he's raising very little money, and the race is generating zero interest," says Paul Y. Watanabe, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts-Boston.

While gambling has certainly piqued the interest of many Massachusetts voters, particularly those who support bringing casinos to the state, observers say other issues will weigh more heavily in their minds on election day.

"I think the strongest thing Weld has going for him is that four years ago the state was in a terrible fiscal crisis," says Alan Altshuler, Stanton professor in urban policy and planning at the Kennedy School of Government.

"The state has had balanced budgets and fiscal stability for the last few years, the economy has recovered faster, and I think [voters] credit Weld at least for the taxes," adds Altshuler, who is also director of the Taubman Center for State and Local Government.

Although a Boston Globe/WBZ poll conducted last week indicates Weld leads Roosevelt 62 percent to 26 percent, Roosevelt campaign officials say the candidate is not planning to change his message any time soon.

"When Mark makes a case against casino gambling, it's called leadership," says campaign spokesperson Dwight D. Robson. "I don't know if Governor Weld has ever told people anything they don't want to hear."

In fact, despite poll results, Robson claims Roosevelt's stance against gambling is actually helping his candidacy.

"When Mark first came out against casino gambling, it was 70 percent to 30 percent [in favor of gambling]," the campaign aide says. "Now we see the numbers coming down quickly."

But even people working for other Democrats are skeptical about gambling as a marquis campaign issue, choosing to emphasize other things.

"I wouldn't say it's the centerpiece of the candidacy," says Mary Cobb, a spokesperson for Roosevelt's running-mate, Robert K. Massie. "We've talked about other issues as well."

In a way, Cobb is right. The biggest issue for Roosevelt now isn't gambling--it's the candidate's inability to raise money.

In a heated primary against state Sen. Michael J. Barrett '70 (D-Cambridge) and former state Sen. George A. Bachrach (D-Watertown), Roosevelt exhausted his limited campaign coffers.

Toward the end of the primary season, Roosevelt insisted that his lack of funds was not a problem, saying state Democratic leaders would come to his assistance and help him raise money.

So far, that hasn't happened. A key party fundraiser, for example, will not come until October 22--less than three weeks before the election.

Susan M. Tracy, director of the coordinated campaign effort for the Massachusetts Democratic party, says her office can only do so much.

"We are definitely working closely with Mark's campaign," she says. "In terms of raising money, you do it at the grass-roots level."

The signs of trouble are multiplying. Shannon O'Brien, the Democratic candidate for state Treasurer, has had more media time than Roosevelt since the primary last month. Roosevelt's first television advertisements since the primary aired only Tuesday night.

"Clearly you have a number of constitutional offices coming up for election," Tracy says. "The reality is that Shannon O'Brien was the nominee from the beginning."

Some of the money Roosevelt has been expecting has gone instead to the campaign of U.S. Sen. Edward M. Kennedy '54-'56, Robson says.

In his campaign against Republican entrepreneur W. Mitt Romney, Kennedy, a 32-year incumbent, is currently facing what many observers are calling the toughest race of his life.

Recent polls place the election in a dead heat, and Democratic fund-raisers across the state have been working overtime to protect Kennedy--at the expense of Roosevelt's campaign.

"The higher profile race casts a little bit of a shadow on the governor's race," Tracy says. "It's a difficult place for Mark to be in."

Former Cambridge Mayor Alice K. Wolf, a Democratic State Committee member, says Kennedy's struggle is symptomatic of national trends against traditional Democratic party liberalism.

"There seems to be a fairly strong anti-Clinton mood running in the country, which certainly doesn't help Roosevelt," Altshuler says.

Wolf also reiterated the importance of Kennedy's reelection to both the Massachusetts and the national agenda.

"I think that we cannot afford to lose Senator Kennedy," she says. "For substantive reasons, I know we can't."

Watanabe says the only way Kennedy can help Roosevelt's campaign at this stage is by "raising the old-time Democratic religion."

While Roosevelt has attempted to distance himself from the liberal wing of the Democratic party, his running mate, Massie, a Somerville minister and Harvard Divinity School lecturer, proudly wears that designation.

Roosevelt and Massie hold differing views on a number of issues, including the death penalty and health care.

"[Massie] disagrees with Mark on a whole range of issues," Bachrach said on primary day.

Massie plans to remain firm in his ideological commitment throughout the election, says Cobb.

"I don't think it's possible to make it a non-issue," Cobb says. "But I'm not sure it's a bad thing."

Despite Massie's differences with Roosevelt, Robson says the Roosevelt campaign appreciates Massie's enthusiasm and energy as a campaigner.

But an enthusiastic and vibrant candidate for lieutenant governor, alone, cannot win an election, Bachrach says.

"I don't think the lieutenant governor decides who the governor will be," says the former candidate.

Although Massachusetts has typically been a strongly Democratic state (it even went for George McGovern during President Nixon's landslide in 1972), the importance of the Democratic party as an institution has begun to wane, Altshuler says.

"If I had never seen a poll, I would have thought that Roosevelt, with three million dollars, would be a very formidable candidate," he says. "Looking at the polls, you have to say he's got a severe uphill climb, even if he had three million dollars."

This lack of money will hurt Roosevelt both immediately and in the long run, Watanabe says.

"The Roosevelt campaign is like a B.B. gun against a Howitzer," Watanabe says. "Weld is pounding, pounding, pounding away relentlessly."

But Robson says he plans to ignore the pollsters for the time being, and guarantees a Roosevelt victory.

"I'm confident the Senator will be re-elected, and I'm confident Mark Roosevelt will be governor," Robson says. "This is going to be a late-developing race--we can be down six points on election day and still win."

Cobb says Massie, who was a surprise winner of the lieutenant governor nomination, has little confidence in pre-election surveys.

"I think Bob in particular does not put a lot of stock in polls," she says. "I think the primary generated zero interest until the last two weeks."

But without a large media buy and an upsurge of interest in the campaign, the odds of a Roosevelt victory are "slim," Watanabe says.

"There's always hope," he says. "But this is Columbia going against Michigan.

In fact, despite poll results, Robson claims Roosevelt's stance against gambling is actually helping his candidacy.

"When Mark first came out against casino gambling, it was 70 percent to 30 percent [in favor of gambling]," the campaign aide says. "Now we see the numbers coming down quickly."

But even people working for other Democrats are skeptical about gambling as a marquis campaign issue, choosing to emphasize other things.

"I wouldn't say it's the centerpiece of the candidacy," says Mary Cobb, a spokesperson for Roosevelt's running-mate, Robert K. Massie. "We've talked about other issues as well."

In a way, Cobb is right. The biggest issue for Roosevelt now isn't gambling--it's the candidate's inability to raise money.

In a heated primary against state Sen. Michael J. Barrett '70 (D-Cambridge) and former state Sen. George A. Bachrach (D-Watertown), Roosevelt exhausted his limited campaign coffers.

Toward the end of the primary season, Roosevelt insisted that his lack of funds was not a problem, saying state Democratic leaders would come to his assistance and help him raise money.

So far, that hasn't happened. A key party fundraiser, for example, will not come until October 22--less than three weeks before the election.

Susan M. Tracy, director of the coordinated campaign effort for the Massachusetts Democratic party, says her office can only do so much.

"We are definitely working closely with Mark's campaign," she says. "In terms of raising money, you do it at the grass-roots level."

The signs of trouble are multiplying. Shannon O'Brien, the Democratic candidate for state Treasurer, has had more media time than Roosevelt since the primary last month. Roosevelt's first television advertisements since the primary aired only Tuesday night.

"Clearly you have a number of constitutional offices coming up for election," Tracy says. "The reality is that Shannon O'Brien was the nominee from the beginning."

Some of the money Roosevelt has been expecting has gone instead to the campaign of U.S. Sen. Edward M. Kennedy '54-'56, Robson says.

In his campaign against Republican entrepreneur W. Mitt Romney, Kennedy, a 32-year incumbent, is currently facing what many observers are calling the toughest race of his life.

Recent polls place the election in a dead heat, and Democratic fund-raisers across the state have been working overtime to protect Kennedy--at the expense of Roosevelt's campaign.

"The higher profile race casts a little bit of a shadow on the governor's race," Tracy says. "It's a difficult place for Mark to be in."

Former Cambridge Mayor Alice K. Wolf, a Democratic State Committee member, says Kennedy's struggle is symptomatic of national trends against traditional Democratic party liberalism.

"There seems to be a fairly strong anti-Clinton mood running in the country, which certainly doesn't help Roosevelt," Altshuler says.

Wolf also reiterated the importance of Kennedy's reelection to both the Massachusetts and the national agenda.

"I think that we cannot afford to lose Senator Kennedy," she says. "For substantive reasons, I know we can't."

Watanabe says the only way Kennedy can help Roosevelt's campaign at this stage is by "raising the old-time Democratic religion."

While Roosevelt has attempted to distance himself from the liberal wing of the Democratic party, his running mate, Massie, a Somerville minister and Harvard Divinity School lecturer, proudly wears that designation.

Roosevelt and Massie hold differing views on a number of issues, including the death penalty and health care.

"[Massie] disagrees with Mark on a whole range of issues," Bachrach said on primary day.

Massie plans to remain firm in his ideological commitment throughout the election, says Cobb.

"I don't think it's possible to make it a non-issue," Cobb says. "But I'm not sure it's a bad thing."

Despite Massie's differences with Roosevelt, Robson says the Roosevelt campaign appreciates Massie's enthusiasm and energy as a campaigner.

But an enthusiastic and vibrant candidate for lieutenant governor, alone, cannot win an election, Bachrach says.

"I don't think the lieutenant governor decides who the governor will be," says the former candidate.

Although Massachusetts has typically been a strongly Democratic state (it even went for George McGovern during President Nixon's landslide in 1972), the importance of the Democratic party as an institution has begun to wane, Altshuler says.

"If I had never seen a poll, I would have thought that Roosevelt, with three million dollars, would be a very formidable candidate," he says. "Looking at the polls, you have to say he's got a severe uphill climb, even if he had three million dollars."

This lack of money will hurt Roosevelt both immediately and in the long run, Watanabe says.

"The Roosevelt campaign is like a B.B. gun against a Howitzer," Watanabe says. "Weld is pounding, pounding, pounding away relentlessly."

But Robson says he plans to ignore the pollsters for the time being, and guarantees a Roosevelt victory.

"I'm confident the Senator will be re-elected, and I'm confident Mark Roosevelt will be governor," Robson says. "This is going to be a late-developing race--we can be down six points on election day and still win."

Cobb says Massie, who was a surprise winner of the lieutenant governor nomination, has little confidence in pre-election surveys.

"I think Bob in particular does not put a lot of stock in polls," she says. "I think the primary generated zero interest until the last two weeks."

But without a large media buy and an upsurge of interest in the campaign, the odds of a Roosevelt victory are "slim," Watanabe says.

"There's always hope," he says. "But this is Columbia going against Michigan.