The Lone Ranger

TWO years ago, George Bush swore to "protect and defend" the Constitution of the United States.

Today, President Bush stands in direct violation of that document. While 250,000 American troops are stationed in Saudi Arabia and many more are preparing to join them, Bush has made no attempt to gain authorization for an offensive capability from the only body that can constitutionally declare war--the United States Congress. Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution gives Congress the sole power to declare war, yet members of Congress don't even seem concerned with preserving this Constitutional prerogative. And Bush has been all too willing to run Operation Desert Shield without their input.

Never has the U.S. inched toward a war so bloody with so little national debate. Bush would love to browbeat Congress into supporting a war by presenting them with a fait accompli. He knows that once a war begins, the already cowardly Congress will be even more reluctant to criticize executive policy. We, as members of the generation that would risk our lives to fight this battle, demand immediate action.

Even now, House Speaker Tom Foley (D-Wash.) told President Bush not to reconvene Congress because representatives might not support military action. "Maybe it was too much to ask with the gridlock of the budget and on the eve of the election," Senator Daniel P. Moynihan told the New York Times, commenting on the failure of Congress to request a formal meeting with the Bush administration to discuss Gulf policy.

Too much to ask? With the lives of half a million Americans at risk and the prospect of a long-term bloody military entanglement on the horizon, how can a United States Senator contend that a meeting with the executive branch is too much to ask? The time for congressional input is now--before war breaks out and the president's emergency powers give him ultimate latitude in determining day-to-day foreign policy. If Congress wants to play a role the United States' Persian Gulf policy, it must act immediately.

Congressional leaders should demand today that Bush follow through with his suggestion to reconvene Congress. Congress should also make Bush demonstrate that he has exhausted all non-military options. Congress should pass a resolution invoking the War Powers Act; if Bush continues to insist that the Act does not apply because troops do not face "imminent hostilities," Congress should take the issue to the judiciary.

If Bush will not slow down his haste for war, Congress must put the brakes on him. It is Congress' last opportunity to assert its powers.

WHEN he first ordered the deployment of United States troops to Saudi Arabia on August 9, Bush was hailed for his wisdom and boldness by the American public, by allies, even by Congress. But the early days of Desert Shield are gone, and in his do-it-alone approach to dealing with Saddam Hussein and in shaping what he calls a "new world order," Bush has flagrantly expanded his role as Commander-in-Chief. He's trying to run this one alone.

It doesn't help that Congress seems to care even less about its powers than Bush. Since troops were first deployed, the voice of Congress has lacked strength and unity. When they should have been demanding an active role in the formulation of Gulf policy, representatives and senators decided to go home and campaign for re-election. They effectively gave Bush free rein to do as he wished.

GROWING discontent with Bush's military buildup demands more than ever that Congress get involved in the formulation of foreign policy. More than half of U.S. citizens, according to a New York Times poll, believe we are headed for war with Saddam Hussein. But two-thirds of us don't consider oil or Kuwaiti sovereignty--two of the Operation's professed goals--to be good enough reasons to sacrifice American lives. What began as a defensive force to protect Saudi oil has grown into a 400,000-person military presence that's ready for war. And millions wonder why Bush has injudiciously refused to wait for the very sanctions he proposed to take effect. It's not hard to see why we're apprehensive.

By ignoring the concerns of Americans and failing to seek support from Congress, President Bush has significantly weakened his own power in the Gulf. A strong moral appeal to the public and congressional support for his action would improve his status in the eyes of world leaders. His chances for success in the Gulf would vastly increase. Bush would be the leader of a nation with the unity and resolve to stick out a long-term military conflict. Instead, Saddam sees a President Bush who has acted without the support of the people and Congress.

There are some members of Congress who see the danger of Bush's exclusive approach to the Middle East crisis. Thirty-seven House Democrats and one Democratic Senator, Iowa's Tom Harkin, have filed a suit against Bush that would require him to seek Congressional authorization before starting any military action in the Gulf. In these few crucial weeks before the U.N. resolution's January 15 target date for military action, all members of Congress should assert their voices on Mideast policy and demand that Bush acknowledge Congress' war powers.

After bullets start flying and Americans start dying, it will be to late.