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1 cf. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968). On occasion, Huntington has extended this argument to the United States, suggesting that a little less "excess of democracy" would cure the distemper of the American body politic. Huntington, "The United States," in Michael Crozier, Samuel Huntington and Joji Watanuki, The Crisis of Democracy (New York: New York University Press, 1975), 59-118.
2. Huntington, "Reform and Stability in a Modernizing, Multi-Eethnic Society," Politikon: South African Journal of Political Science,8 (2), Dec. 1981, pp. 8-26. Further quotes from this article are referenced by page number.
3. Geisel himself called the decompression "relative democracy." In the words of a Brazilian political scientist, the 'distensao' was an effort to "perfect the institutionalization of the national security state and provide for more flexible political representation so as to decrease the levels of dissent and tension that had built up pressure." Maria Helena Moreira Alves, State and Opposition in Military Brazil (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985), p. 142.
4. Gerhard Mare, "The New Constitution: Extending Democracy or Decentralising Control?", South Africa Review III, 1986, p. 214.
5. Republic of South Africa, "First Report of the Constitutional Committee of the President's Council" (Cape Town: Government Printers, 1982). The authors find especially noteworthy Professor Huntington's remarks regarding the problems of a "fully inclusive system;" they quote at length his arguments against a system of one-person, one-vote for South Africa. (pp. 37-8).
6. William Corbett, Daryl Glaser, Doug Hindson, Mark Swilling, "Regionalisation, Federalism and the Reconstruction of the South African State," South African Labour Bulletin, 10, (5), March-April, 1985; Swilling, ibid.
7. Mark Swilling, "Playing Rio Roulette," Weekly Mail, March 20-26, 1987, p. 11
8. Samuel P. Huntington, "Whatever has gone wrong with reform?" Die Suid-Afrikaan, 8, Winter 1986, p. 19-22. Further quotes from this article will be referenced by page numbers.
9. Then, he said in passing, "It is also conceivable, however, that at some point strong Black leadership will be necessary to negotiate some meaningful agreements with white leaders and to induce its constituency to support those agreements." Huntington, 1981, p. 24.
10. This may be the major inconsistency in Huntington's theory. Clearly, since Blacks have never been allowed to vote, no one will know until after some sort of negotiations occur whether or not Blacks will follow a given leader. Huntington neglects to mention in his discussion that Mandela remains the consistent winner of all popularity polls among South African Blacks. See Mark Orkin, Disinvestment, the Struggle and the Future: What Black South Africans Really Think (Johannesburg: Raven Press, 1986), p. 35. Huntington does not, incidentally, mention 11. Shula Marks, The Ambiguities of Dependence: Class, Nationalism and the State in Twentieth Century Natal (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), p. 117.
12. Gerhard Mare, "Regional Rule for Inkatha?" Work in Progress, 46, Feb. 1987, p. 7-12.
13. Michael Massing, in "Chief Buthelezi's Africa" New York Review of Books 34 (2), Feb. 12, 1987, pp. 15-22, cites sworn affidavits describing "death threats, firebombings, abductions, beatings, stabbings, and shootings" by Buthelezi's followers; members of his organization, Inkatha, "serve as shock troops in Inkatha's on-going war with the ANC and the UDF."
14. Mare, 1987, p. 11
15. Huntington, 1981, 14
16. Huntington gave a paper advocating consociational solutions for South Africa at the Western Political Science Association meeting, Annaheim, May 1987.
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