George McGovern

AS THE DEMOCRATIC Presidential nominee in 1972. George s. McGovern stood for active, compassionate government at home, thoughtful, non-interventionist policies abroad, and a Democratic Party committed to the needs of the underprivileged.

In 1984, as a candidate for the nomination, he still does, and that consistent, principled vision of America's future is itself one of the strongest reasons to vote for the former senator in tomorrow's primary. Since entering politics in the early 1950s. McGovern has been a forceful and articulate proponent of what is best in the liberal tradition of the Democratic Party, and he has not let the cynicism of the Reagan era sway him from those convictions. Amid a pack of hopefuls tripping over themselves in their eagerness to disassociate themselves from traditional Democratic concerns. McGovern has force fully reaffirmed his standing as "a liberal."

This year's race is characteristic of the courageous stands McGovern has taken throughout his political career. While others are campaigning against "big government," the South Dakotan has been unafraid to asset that government can, and should, play an important guiding role. McGovern advocates vigorous government action to combar poverty and hunger, aid education, advance equal rights for women and minorities, and protect the environment. Other Democratic candidates have pledged to support these causes as well but McGovern stands alone in his gutsy proposals to compensate for increased spending in these sectors by slashing government handouts to other, more politically powerful interests.

Where other candidates have promised to limit Defense budget increases McGovern vows to cut military spending 20 to 25 percent. The reduction would come from halting production of the M-X. the B-1 and the space warfare program, and from requiring U.S. allies to assume a greater portion of legitimate costs of mutual security. Nor has McGovern steered clear of other sacred cows, he has said he will freeze Social Security and other non-need-based entitlement programs to reduce federal deficits. Farmers would no longer receive subsidies to limit production; instead, the government would buy surpluses and distribute them to alleviate hunger at home and abroad. McGovern also supports the installation of a flat tax rate, designed to eliminate loopholes, increase revenue and, ultimately, be fairer than the present convoluted tax codes.

Internationally, McGovern is a strong of Reagan-style adventurism. He is currently the strongest "peace candidate" in the race, advocating not only a nuclear freeze, but also that the U.S. take immediate unilateral steps to halt the arms race. He urges a complete Marine withdrawal from Lebanon--a move he called for well in advance of most other candidates and before the bombing of the Marine compound--and the complete termination of all U.S. military operations in Central America. What makes these foreign policy positions all the more credible is that they are wholly consistent with McGovern's past positions--positions that have consistently born out his sound judgement. For example, McGovern was among the first Congressmen to criticize U.S. intervention in Vietnam, an opposition which became the overriding issue in the 1972 campaign. McGovern's early calls for the recognition of mainland China and peaceful coexistence with Fidel Castro's Cuba have also become testament to McGovern's foresight in foreign policy matters.

In short, McGovern has established a long track record of public service that is consistent both internally, and with the enlightened ideals of the Democratic Party. It is recognizing this that forced most of McGovern's opposition to focus not on his platform, but on so called political realities. "A vote for McGovern, is a vote for Reagan," and "He'll never get elected" are frequent rejoinders to would-be McGovern backers. But to accept this cynical wisdom is misguided on several counts. First, if political history--and most recently the New Hampshire primary--has shown anything, it is that as the saying goes, "the opera ain't over until the fat lady sings." McGovern finished only a slight margin behind Gary Hart in the Iowa caucuses, annd it is premature at best to rule him out of the race. Second, and more important, this strategic approach fundamentally distorts the purpose and significance of a primary election.

"Anyone but Reagan" has been the Democratic rallying cry this year and, no doubt, when the general election takes place in November, most Democrats will ink in that anybody. But tomorrow's election is a Democratic primary--a time for Democratic voters to signal not only which candidate they prefer, but also what direction they believe the party should take. More than any other Democratic contender, McGovern represents the principled and humane outlook that has typically distinguished the Democratic Party from the Republicans in general, and Ronald Reagan in particular.

In this context, a vote for McGovern takes on a symbolic importance beyond the immediate issue of the former senator's candidacy. That McGovern has said he will drop out of the race if he does not fare well in Massachusetts makes the issue all the more pressing; he has provided a distinctive and intelligent voice in the campaign, forcing the other candidates to tackle tough issues. By doing so, and by demonstrating that it is possible to run a race with principled integrity, McGovern has strengthened not only his candidacy, but the Democratic Party as well.

In Iowa, McGovern appealed to Democrats not to "throw away their conscience." We can only strengthen this appeal by urging Massachusetts Democrats not to throw away their votes.