Seven Candidates Heating Up Race for Boston mayor's Seat

When it comes to politics. Boston's are like no other. Urban problems--corruption, racism, crime, education, housing--are placed under a magnifying glass and appear in all their ugly splendor every four years.

Mayor Kevin H. White, in office for 16 years, is under fire, accused of running a corrupt political machine which is incapable of dealing with the city's problems. The Hub press, once firmly in his corner, now vigorously works to uncover new failings and improprieties in the White administration.

The school system is in shamble, observers say, still reeling from the racial tensions stirred up by court-ordered busing seven years ago and a resulting drop in enrollment of more than one-third.

White's handling of the tax-revenue cuts of proposition 2 1/2 has been questioned. Many police and firefighters were laid off and several firehouses and police stations were shut down, an action some observers say allowed the city to avoid confronting municipal waste.

Recent polls show that more than 70 percent of the city is displeased with White's performance, indicating the possible repercussions of the White administration's policy-making.

But White will almost surely seek reelection this November and no one. not even his competitors, is willing to count him out.

Currently, six challengers have said they will compete for White's job:

* Lawrence S. DiCara '71. A young but experienced politician, a city councilor from 1971 to 1981, the lifelong Dorchester resident says he will garner support from all parts of the city and will work to reconcile business and neighborhood interests.

* David I. Finnegan. A former Boston School Committee president and a fourth place finisher in the 1979 mayoral race. Finnegan is the latest entrant in the race. The WBZ radio talk-show host could present a challenge to White, but he is still about $70,000 in debt from his last campaign and may not be able to organize and raise money before the September primary.

* Raymond L. Flynn. Many observers think Flynn is the only man who can beat White. The South Boston resident and city councilor will probably draw most of his support from low and middle-income group. His only drawbacks may be his personality--he speaks slowly and in a monotone--and what some see as an inability to work with downtown Boston business interests.

* Robert R. Kiley. The only candidate who is not a Boston native, Kiley is also the only contender to have had significant experience in administration. He was White's deputy mayor from 1972 to 1975 and helped implement court-ordered busing in 1974. He managed the MTA for four years under Governor Michael S., Dukakis's first administration, but was fired when Edward J. King replaced Dukakis in 1979. The fact that the 46 year-old Minneapolis native has only lived in Boston for 10 years may hurt his September showing, especially in low-income and ethnic neighborhoods, still strongly motivated by back-slapping, old-style politics.

* Dennis J. Kearney '72. The youngest candidate at 33 years of age, the Suffolk County sheriff combines excellent fundraising and organizational skills with a flamboyant campaigning style--his vice-grip handshake is now legendary. Kearney began his political career as a service coordinator at White's East Boston Little City Hall and served as a state representative for East Boston and Charlestown between 1974 and 1977 before his appointment to his present post.

* Melvin H. King. The only minority candidate in the field may prove to be a serious contender if he can gain support from white liberal voters. A five-term state representative from the South End. King finished third in the 1979 mayoral election, behind Joseph F. Timilty and ahead of Finnegan. Timilty is not running, so King may well gain one of the top two spots in the September primary and a shot at victory in a two-man November runoff.

The complexion of the race, regardless of the number of challengers, will be determined by White himself. though he has gone as far as to call himself a "participant." he has not yet declared and possibly will not do so until shortly before the mid-June filing date.

The Money

According to financial reports filed by the candidates last month. White has $506,000 in his campaign account--more than all his opponents combined. Though White's vaunted political machine has not yet rolled into action, his recent activities have reminded many observers of the beginnings of his 1979 mayoral campaign.

In well-publicized moves. White proposed a policy of increased police visibility, inaugurated commission to deal with the problem of the homeless, proclaimed the success of property revaluation and cable television installation, and introduced the "Boston Compact," a program to provide jobs for area high school students.

White's opponents are well aware of the formidable task they face come September. Flynn conceded that "the guy just has so much power. He controls the show," He adds. "Kevin White is always going to have as much money as he needs to try and buy the election."

Flynn emphasizes White's ability to use the media, specifically television advertising. "I was over at the Kennedy School two years ago and we had President Carter's and President Reagan's press secretaries at one of the forums and they agreed on practically nothing in terms of the issues. But one thing they agreed on was that the American public based their decision on who to vote for on what they had seen on paid political commercials between three and four weeks before the elections," says Flynn. "So if Kevin White does have all this money...I'm just not going to be able to compete. It aggravates me no end."

Kiley agrees that television is an important medium, but denies that White can win through a massive advertising campaign alone. "If Miller Lite doesn't taste good, the public may try it once, but they won't keep on buying it," says Kiley. "Americans aren't dumb and they aren't that fickle."

The Controversy

"King Kevin" is likely to be most hurt by well-publicized charges of widespread corruption in several city departments. U.S. attorney William F. Weld '66 is currently conducting an investigation which has uncovered evidence implicating officials in the White administration in several shady deals. Suspicions began with the collection of approximately $122,000 for a 1981 birthday party for White's wife. Kathryn. The Boston Globe reported in December that 64 political associates of White were involved in an alleged cash laundering scheme, funneling as much as $50,000 to the party fund through their bank accounts. All told, 401 people made contributions.

George Collatos, a city employee who played a major role in the fundraising, is now in jail on extortion charges and is one of four city officials convicted in the past year of either income tax evasion, bribery or extortion.

In addition, both the Globe and The New York Times have run stories about the mismanagement of federal home improvement grants, the purchase of a $250,000 town house by two top White assistants for $1 in 1981, the activities of a fundraising committee formed six months after the aborted birthday party, a $10,3000 payment by the mayor's campaign committee to renovate his Beacon Hill townhouse, and the cashing of retirement and disability pension checks mailed to at least 12 dead city employees.

White, in turn, has launched attacks on the Globe and the Times and may try to invalidate Weld's findings by showing that they were politically motivated. At a press conference last month, White said the Times's stories lead Bostonians to "mistrust their government."

The Stands

Each of the six challengers, then, has the dual task of convincing voters that White is incapable of running the city and showing that he is the right man to take over. Thus far, White has benefitted the most from a lack of clear policy alternatives presented by the other six candidates. Only DiCara has made definite proposals, in two major speeches in the last 12 months and a summary position paper. The five remaining candidates say they are currently preparing policy statements.

Says Kearney, "This election is a referendum on Kevin White, no matter what happens. But what's also important is the ability of one candidate to emerge--to articulate problems and offer solutions."

"You have to give them a sense that you're capable of doing the job," he adds. "This is a political world, and that includes the factor of elect ability."

Another important concern, says DiCara, is the ability to gain support from a wide range of people, not just voters from the candidate's own neighborhood or ethnic background. There are "people who live in certain sections of the city who don't know the rest of the city exists," he explains.

The Issues

City demographics are changing rapidly, DiCara adds, noting the departure of many middle class whites to the suburbs and the influx of Blacks, Hispanics, and gays.

The candidates also agree that race relations is one of the most pressing problems faced by the city. "There are still unspoken racial barriers in Boston," says DiCara.

"Kevin White probable would like to see MelKing in the final election," says Flynn. "[White] has been very effective in pitting neighborhoods and people against each other for his political advantage. Something like that would be catastrophic."

Observers say that racism will most likely manifest itself in housing and education related issues. Poorer tenants, a large proportion of whom are minorities, have little protection against real estate developers who have been driving up rents. And public schooling has lost much of its white constituency over the issue of busing, says DiCara, resulting in a disproportion between minorities and whites in area schools.

"In 1975 the findings were that Boston school were segregated--certain students went to certain schools because of their race," DiCara explains. "The proposed remedy--the busing orders--was not a remedy. Busing didn't make any sense and people bolted the school system."

The candidates agree that the management of the school system will be of prime importance to the new mayor. according to Kiley, 30 percent of tax expenditures go to public schooling.

The Race

Distinctions between the challengers and between White and the rest of the field will probably become more apparent as candidacies are officially declared and campaigning begins in earnest in April. Other issues--the reliance on property taxes for city revenues, the fact that White has been mayor for 16 years, the polarization of the neighborhoods and the business community will no doubt be discussed.

But issues will probable take a back seat to Kevin White. If he runs, he will use his considerable political skills to bring the media and the voters around to his side. Aside from Kearney, who raised $119,300 last year, none of the challenger has shown that he is able to raise enough funds to fight an advertising war with White. Flynn and king are the most visible contenders, but they will probably be fighting for the same constituency Finnegan, because he is such a late entrant, may never figure into the race unless he can parlay his popularity as a radio host into a healthy campaign bank account. And DiCara and Kiley must show that they have more than a narrow constituency.

Says Flynn, "The real question is whether the last of the big city mayors is going to survive."Kevin White's Challengers--top row: LAWRENCE S. DiCARA '71, DAVID I. FINNEGAN, RAYMOND L. FLYNN; bottom row; ROBERT R. KILEY, DENNIS J. KEARNEY '73, MELVIN H. KING.