Australia at Harvard

The bicentennial of the American nation provides a fitting occasion for the endowment of a chair in Australian Studies at Harvard University.

For Australia was the un-intended offspring of your war of Independence. A certain group of British citizens who would have been settled in the United States was henceforth sent to what became Australia.

But the connections between the history of our two countries extend far beyond our origins. They encompass the political and social ideals which have guided the development of our society.

The ideals inspiring your founding fathers had a direct impact on the development of democratic government in Australia. Your great Revolution was one of those powerful forces which 75 years later helped the Australian colonies to become self governing and to manage their own affairs within a highly democratic political framework.

Your revolution occurred in an age of intellectual ferment when men such as Locke and later Montesquieu, Rousseau and Hume were seeking to apply logic and reason to understanding man and his institutions embodying this tradition of logical enquiry.

It is a tradition, of course, in which Australians have shared, and to which we have made our own contribution...

What we need now, more than ever, is the knowledge which is of positive value to man in increasing his understanding of the world. Our education needs to impart a quality of judgment. The great challenge to educators is to combine the teaching of skills with that broader understanding. The view that the best education need not be relevant, even on a broad definition of relevance, condemns us to failure in our efforts to cope with a fast changing world.

Mr. President, this chair should certainly help to extend further understanding between Australia and America.

I hope also that the work which will be done through this chair will address itself, in part, to some of the major issues which must concern people in both our countries.

Mr. President, I would like to take the opportunity offered by the endowment of this chair to speak a little about the challenges which I believe both our countries face and about the contribution I hope the academic world can make to meeting them...

In this world political leaders are being asked to resolve the problems of societies undergoing exceedingly rapid change. New and insistent demands are made on them. It is now obvious that the highly industrialized democracies face domestic challenges at least as significant and difficult as those facing countries seeking to become industrialized.

Old issues--issues with which your founding fathers were familiar--are now facing us again. Once again we are concerned with the relationship of people to their institutions. We are once again debating how to reconcile effective government with the liberty (or as it is frequently put now) the autonomy of the individual...

How do we explain the fact that some attempted social reforms do more harm than good? Given the real need for reform in all societies how do we ensure reforms strengthen rather than diminish individual dignity and self-esteem?

Again, we are faced with institutions growing in size and influence. How do we make sure that they remain responsive to the people they are intended to serve?

Yet again, there is a constant and natural pressure for improved provision in health, social security, education, transport, urban renewal-in all areas of national policy. How do we prevent demands, expectations, entitlements running ahead of a nation's wealth, for it is evident that when expectations are ahead of resources serious problems arise.

Our society demands an ever higher level of skill from democratic politicians in discussing and explaining complex issues accurately and openly. This has particular weight in a world where issues have become so complex and governments' concerns so vast.

Let me now elaborate on some of these issues. While they particularly concern the politician, universities will fail in their role if they do not make an important contribution to dealing with them.

Let me take the first point I mentioned.

Our educational process has been designed to encourage people to think for themselves, to question, to search, to reach their own conclusions. It is the antithesis of the educational beliefs and ideals in the minds of children and adults, to encourage subservience to a party and to a state.

It is not at all surprising that our people, as never before, are questioning their leaders and their institutions.

In these circumstances we need to ask ourselves, as we never have before, how we maintain the cohesion, the unity, the vitality, of democratic societies and the effectiveness of democratic government.

We preach independence and diversity, but there is also an essential unity without which any society will fall.

At the time of your revolution and in the two centuries since, the problem of achieving unity out of diversity was largely the problem of welding different states, regions, ethnic groups, into one nation. These same issues have concerned us, though less forcefully, in Australia.

Today the problem has a new dimension. We are not talking merely about regions and communities. We are talking about individuals' demands for respect for their own views, their own consciences, against the larger society and its institutions. We are now talking about cultures, attitudes and ideas, which are becoming increasingly diverse.

Government, to be effective, must earn the respect of the people. In the age I have been describing this respect is more difficult to earn than in the past. How to achieve it is one of the most important issues of our time.

One thing is clear. If the people are to enjoy a substantial degree of freedom, they must be prepared to surrender some of their freedom.

In order that people may have the maximum scope to decide for themselves the kind of lives they will lead, they must be prepared to accept certain restraints, and this does not only apply to individuals. Organizations such as universities and private enterprise can exercise their freedom only if others are prepared to recognize and respect their right to do so.

The Law imposes certain obligations of non-interference, restraint on freedom which actually expand our capacities to decide and to act effectively for ourselves.

It is true that people's ultimate obligations are to their own consciences. But this does not mean that one is entitled to ignore laws with which one merely does not agree. Such an attitude destroys the effectiveness of our institutions and the possibility of effective social reform. Laws after all flow from institutions which though admittedly imperfect are the best form of Government yet devised.

Without the acceptance of such obligations people may become frustrated and disillusioned with democratic institutions, and their frustrations could ultimately feed the ambitions of those who seek undemocratic solutions to our problems.

This is why the practice of freedom and the acknowledgement of social and political obligations go hand in hand. There needs to be a recognition that some freedom must be foregone to expand our capacity to enjoy freedom.

Here we come to the paradox I mentioned earlier. Not only is this an age when people are demanding greater personal freedom, it is also an age when the demands on government constantly increase. In order to meet these demands governments almost inevitably tend to dispose of more of a nation's resources and to further regulate people's affairs.

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In Australia there has been for decades an inexorable move of financial power to the central government, destroying the independent capacities of state governments and making the states subservient to the center.

My government has begun to implement a major reform of our federal arrangmeents designed to restore a large measure of financial independence to the states and to expand the financial base of local governments so that they can respond effectively to problems they recognize in their own communities.

The capacity of Government to assess problems accurately and to take into account people's judgement of their own needs is essential to effective social reform. More than ever such sensitivity is required to foster respect for our institutions. We are all aware that some approaches to social reform do more harm than good. Effective government action requires a deep awareness of how that action will be seen and evaluated by our increasingly active and informed citizens.

So often people have sought to solve social problems merely by the expenditure of money, so often that is only a small part of what is needed. Many problems are related much more to the capacity of people to adapt to a complex society. They are frequently problems of human relationships. A solution that relies on providing funds but does little to encourage the capacity to cope with problems can be a most damaging response to genuine need.

Our institutions can only maintain respect if people can achieve their legitimate aspirations within them in a democratic and peaceful way. If reason and argument can lead to effective reform.

We have to insure that our institutions are as responsible as possible to the needs of those they affect.

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Preventing these institutions from becoming over-powerful requires not only legal and constitutional restraints but also a recognition on their part that they have broader obligations.

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The contribution of the universities on this continuing issue will have an important effect on the response of other organizations.

The problem of ensuring adequate responsiveness by our institutions is particularly relevant in an age of large government.

Another challenge we have to meet is the economic and political problem arising from the limits on our national wealth. However rich our countries may be, there is still only a finite amount at any one time to devote to production, to wages, to governmental programmes, to redistribution.

In countries such as America and Australia aspirations have always been high. But in recent times in Australia there has been a tendency for current expectations to rise beyond the limits of current resources. Once expectations and demands become excessive serious economic problems, conflict, disillusion become inevitable.

In Australia we have been suffering from severe inflation and exceptional unemployment. These occurred because of the attempt to simultaneously meet demands for excessive government programmes and excessive wages and salaries. Massive and sudden transfers of resources to these areas led to the highest unemployment since the great depression of the thirties.

Clarifying what is possible within our current resources is a vital task for politicians. Improving our understanding of, and our capacity to be effective within the limits imposed by reality, is also an important role for universities.

This brings me finally to the challenge to democratic leadership in the kind of world our universities are helping to create.

Despite the problems I have been discussing it is obvious that democratic political institutions have exhibited remarkable capacity to adapt to change. Ultimately however institutions depend for their survival and respect on the quality of the men who hold office within them.

The more rapid social change is, the more complex issues become, the more essential it is for democratic politicians to explain the problems they face clearly and realistically.

The constant search for the easy way out, promises which win votes but cannot be fulfilled, destroy democracy. Democracy ultimately depends on the understanding and goodwill of the people, and democratic politicians are among those who bear the responsibility for explaining reality and expanding understanding.

They in their turn need the tools for this task. They need the knowledge and understanding that it is in part a responsibility of the universities to generate.

I have commented on the unparalleled burst of knowledge in the physical sciences and the unmatched power that they have placed in the hands of politicians. It seems man can do almost anything so long as it involves technology. But it is in our understanding of society that we are now desparately in need of new knowledge.

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Scientific knowledge has placed unparalleled power in politicians' hands. Our capacity to see that it is used for good is scarcely better than it would have been if man had possessed that power two thousand years ago. Our criteria for judgement are still so often inappropriate to the circumstances. What does this say of the way in which we have pursued learning and understanding? What we need more than anything is an adequate recognition of ourselves.

This may sound a very pessimistic view. I believe that the reverse is the truth. To understand and respond to present and future challenges is a major task of politicians. The paradoxes of our time are great. The possibilities of our time are unlimited for advancing mankind through the uses of our resources in humane and realistic ways.

We need to establish an environment in which respect for institutions and the way they operate, for the manner in which politicians go about their business, leads to moderation and reason in public debate, where violence and the extreme view are rejected, where rational argument can predominate. We need to have it understood that extreme ways of pursuing objectives degrade the spirit of our democratic institutions. We need it understood that progress and reform can be achieved through moderation, that democracy is strong when people deal rationally with each other, with compassion, without hatred.

Universities do not exist in isolation from the larger society. The values they teach or assume, the knowledge they produce will profoundly affect the future.

If the Chair endowed today can contribute something to this broader purpose Australia will be well satisfied.

It gives me great pleasure, Mr. President, to present the endowment for this Chair.

MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING between Harvard University and the Government of Australia

The Government of Australia, as a token of its goodwill to the Government and people of the Bicentennial celebration of the American Revolution of 1776, conveys to Harvard University a gift of $US1 million to establish The Australian Studies Endowment Fund.

Harvard University, in receiving the gift of the Australian Government, acknowledges that the purpose of the Australian Studies Endowment Fund is to establish a Chair in Australian Studies and maintain such teaching, research and publication as will help promote awareness and understanding of Australia in the United States of America.

that in association with the Chair credit courses may be established at both the undergraduate and the graduate levels in the general area of the humanities and social sciences and including history, art, literature, government and law; and

that the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences will appoint several faculty members from throughout the University to constitute a permanent body to be known as the Chair in Australian Studies Advisory committee, and that this committee will advise the Dean on the long range planning and general supervision of the chair and its associated programme; and

that from time to time, on the advice of the Chair in Australian Studies Advisory Committee, the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, acting on behalf of the President of Harvard University will authorize a change of association in order to achieve the primary purpose of the Endowment Fund; and

that the aforementioned committee may seek the advice of a Committee in Australia established by the Australian Government and known as the Friends of the Australian Studies Endowment Fund at Harvard on any matter related to the Endowment including appointments to the Chair; and

that in the case of an appointment for a period of two years or longer, Harvard University, at its own discretion, will select such a person and so notify the Prime Minister of Australia of the name of the person it intends to appoint to the Chair in Australian Studies; and

that while short term appointments to the Chair may be effected, if at some future time a permanent appointment to the Chair seems appropriate to the continuing development of Australian Studies at Harvard, the terms of this understanding allow for such appointment to be made; and

that with the support of Harvard University, if this is required so that activities associated with research and supervision of post-graduate studies may sufficiently be pursued, a Research Fellow and Research Assistant may be provided to assist the Chair; and

that Harvard University will appoint when appropriate a co-ordinator to administer allocations and manage activities supported by the Endowment Fund; and

that as one of the activities associated with the Endowment Fund early consideration will be given to adding publications on Australia to the Library at Harvard University; and

that other questions arising from time to time in connection with the Australian Studies Endowment Fund and its associated activities will be resolved by the President of Harvard University on advice of the Dean and the Chair of Australian Studies Advisory Committee; and

that Harvard University will forward annually to the Prime Minister of Australia a report on the operation of the Chair in Australian Studies for the preceding twelve months; and

that the Government of Australia and Harvard University may from time to time by mutual agreement vary this Memorandum of Understanding.