Dissension in the Ranks

Any reports that the Democratic party suceeded in unifying all of its diverse elements at Kansas City should be suspect. There seemed to be a superficial show of unity, particularly when Democratic National Chairman Robert S. Strauss unleashed an economic recovery package Friday night that received little debate and a majority on a voice vote. But interviews after the vote revealed that a good number of delegates disagreed with specific proposals to legislate national no-fault insurance and to implement mandatory wage-price-profit controls. They said they voted for the economic package, though, because the Democrats had to show the public they stood for something different from the Republicans.

As for the controversial party charter--the first constitution ever written and ratified by a national party--several influential Democrats representing conservative labor and sections of the South left Kansas City very bitter. In their view the party had not listened to all the voices within its membership, but only those that came from organized caucuses of blacks, women, Latins, youth and even state governors and mayors.

Consider these excerpts from floor speeches on the set of compromise affirmative action rules, which Strauss and several caucuses introduced at the last minute-before the full convention Saturday evening:

John Henning, executive director of California's chapter of AFL-CIO, stunned the convention audience:

"We are not taking a walk...Strauss has spoken. We will say this to Strauss--that union labor will no longer suffer sophisticated denial and discrimination in the high councils of the Democratic party. We would remind Mr. Strauss that union labor is an indispensible element of the coalition to which he will turn in 1976.

"We play no monopoly on that coalition. But we say this: Of all the constituent elements of the party to which Strauss must turn, we have the best organized membership; we have the best organized resources; and we have the best organized political apparatus.

"We say this to Strauss: He stands with us or this party will go down in division and ruin in the presidential election of 1976."

Rep. Joe D. Waggoner (D-La.) also addressed himself to the compromise affirmative action amendment Strauss introduced late in the convention:

"I've ridden railroads before so there isn't anything new about this one. It won't be any fun to say I told you so.

"When you leave the word 'mandatory' in there [affirmative action rules banning "mandatory quotas"] the inference is that the [Democratic] judicial council is going to insist on voluntary quotas and you're not going to get a [delegate selection] plan approved until you do submit a plan that has voluntary quotas.

"Well, let me tell you my friends. You're headed down the road to '72. I want a party that doesn't discriminate just as much as you do. But now we're not going to provide for it in this manner. If you want to, go ahead and amend this [an affirmative action rule] as I'm quite sure you're going to do. But just remember you were told what's going to happen."

Albert Shanker, a delegate from New York and AFL-CIO's national vice president:

"I am... concerned with...a party that is supposed to be open and democratic. Decisions which were made and agreements which were made [on affirmative action rules] over the last six months and were made in the open were reversed in a smoke-filled room where all of us [conservative labor and party rank and file] sat by and had nothing to say.

"The black caucus, the Spanish caucus and the women's caucus were all in on the substance of the compromise and voted on it. And if you weren't in one of those caucuses you just weren't part of the action in this convention.

"This is a very grave concern because once again the Democratic party is creating the impression that it is not the party of all. Those excluded will once again feel there are groups preferred and groups that are not preferred."