The Liberal Challenge: State by State

On page two you read what the anti-Humphrey forces plan to do at a general national level. Here, state by state, you can see how they are progressing and what the individual plans are. Compiled by ROBERT H. KRIM.

Note--NDC stands for the New Democratic Coalition which is a group of dovish anti-Administration forces who are liberals. The "party" referred to is the Democratic Party.

Alabama

The biracial liberal National Democratic Party (NDP) which left Chicago unrecognized is running 160 candidates for office this fall in preparation for a future legitimization move within the national party. Leader John Cashin, a Huntsville dentist, is attempting to set up a parallel party structure. The major question in state politics will probably be answered folowing the November election, will Wallace's old-line party withdraw all the way down to the precinct-level from the national Democratic Party?

Alaska

The party will probably remain in the moderate hands of men like Humphreyite Mike Gravel, the party senatorial candidate. New Democratic Coalition organizers haven't made contact with state liberals yet, though they will probably work through retiring Sen. Ernest Greuning '07, an early dove, who Gravel deleated in a recent primary. McCarthy forces were weak.

Arizona

Following the September 27 party county conventions, liberals will probably control about forty per cent of the party apparatus--a significant gain over a year ago--and have an excellent possibility of winning a majority in 1970 under the progressive leadership of the Udall brothers--Cong. Morris and retiring Interior Secretary Stewart.

The liberal block, based in Maricopa County Phoenix) with about half the state's population) and Tucson (University of Arizona), hasn't yet formed a coalition with the large--still unmilitant-brown (Mexican-American) community, but that may soon change. With Barry Goldwater's victory in a November Senate contest all but assured, the conservative party apparatus, long nurtured by retiring Sen. Carl Hayden's patronage, will suffer a serious setback opening the way for a 1970 liberal coup.

Arkansas

Liberal party members are few and far between, many have joined moderate Governor Winthrop Rockefeller's Republican Party. Sen. J. W. Fulbright is about the best party members can hope for especially while Wallace's growing support threatens even moderate elements of the party.

California

Kennedy and McCarthy liberals have overwhelming control of whatever party organization exists and have demonstrated popular support in all party primaries. The name of the game is "Big Daddy" Speaker Jesse Unruh who wants the gubernatorial nod in 1970. Up against Kennedy-man Unruh in '70 will probably be San Francisco Mayor "the John Lindsay of the West" Joseph Alioto who, though nominating Humphrey in Chicago, is still very much a liberal on policy.

Although the large and very liberal California Democratic Council (CDC) which backed McCarthy from the beginning suffered defeat in the close and then tragic June presidential primary, it is the major organized force on the Democratic side. The CDC is policy-oriented and very much into the new politics of mass media and coalitions with black and brown (Mexican-American) peoples.

Connecticut

The recently united Kennedy-McCarthy forces face an uphill battle in overthrowing the rule of party "czar" John Bailey in what was--until McCarthy and the war--a very strong and single-minded party which brooked little in-fighting. With a Nixon landslide in 1968 and scandle-ridden hawkish Senator Dodd up for re-election in 1970, the liberals with Senator Ribicoff's leadership may be able to pull off a coup before the 1972 elections.

The coalition under McCarthyite the Rev. Joseph Duffey is concentrating on re-electing Ribicoff in '68 (hated by the old guard after his anti-Daley Chicago speech), on lobbying for a progressive legislative program in '69, and taking on Dodd in '70. They are furiously building a grass-roots organization.

Colorado

A coalition of Kennedy and McCarthy forces took party control in July. They hope to consolidate their victory at a March, 1969 state central committee meeting, following a probable GOP sweep in local contests. Under the new chairmanship of Kennedy supporter Robert Maytag (as in washing machine), the state central committee has already built a New Politics-style coalition with Denver blacks.

District of Columbia

The Kennedy slate won the May 7 primary defeating a pro-Humphrey slate. Under the Rev. Channing E. Phillips the D.C. anti-Administration--and to a large extent progressive black--forces have taken control of the party. The Phillips leadership will probably join the new Democratic Coalition.

Delaware

Though the Kennedy-McCarthy organization which came close to defeating the party machine in New-castle County (greater Wilmington--sixty per cent of the state) has officially disbanded, most of its serious politicos have joined the newly founded Delaware Conference of Concerned Democrats. The new group has long-range hopes of taking over the conservative state organization now controlled by Gov. Charles Terry Jr. Led by activist housewife Mrs. Gilbert Sloan, the Concerned Democrats are backing liberal congressional candidate Harris MacDowell and trying to reform state election procedures. Party elections come in 1971.

Florida

The Miami-based Florida Concerned Democrats (FCD) may be able to take a few party posts in 1970, but only because party posts mean little in this state. The FCD is predominately Jewish now in this largely redneck state. Even if the FCD joins a real coalition of black-browns, and white liberals, they would stand only a slim chance of controlling party candidates in the conservative party.

Georgia

There are two legal Democratic parties in the state--no one knows what will happen, though the traditional party of Gov. Lester Maddox might reconstitute itself after November as a grass roots Wallacite party. A biracial coalition of white urban liberals like Charles Longstreet Weltner from progressive Altanta and black community leader state Rep. Julian Bond comprise the new party. Old-style moderates like former Gov. Carl Sanders and Atlanta Mayor Ivan Allen will soon have to make a decision on which party--the redneck Maddox majority or the chronic minority liberals--they will go with.

Hawaii

Moderate Sen. Daniel K. Inouye and the relatively conservative state party organization have a strong grip; liberals are weak and unorganized.

Idaho

Sen. Frank Church is the state's liberal movement now, but that might be changing. Democrats are weak and socially inferior in this conservative state. McCarthy forces led by Robert Hart '68 built a grassroots organization which may serve as a base to build a liberal issue-oriented movement in the next four years. Liberal Republicans were badly defeated in 1966 and might be persuaded to vote for the opposition if progressive candidates backed by socially-acceptable forces can be found. Hart is the man to watch; McCarthy workers have joined Church's tough re-election battle this fall.

Illinois

With a predicted GOP landslide repudiating the machine's political judgment ("machines must not only make the choice, but the right one," as one ward boss said) coupled with Daley's long-announced retirement in '71, a New Politics coalition of urban blacks (like Chicago Alderman Raney), white suburban liberals (like North Shore party leader Williams), and down-state forces (like Richard Mudge of Edwardsville) is a serious possibility. A liberal coalition of such size could force major concessions from what is left of the machine. This fall McCarthy forces are fighting a hopeless battle against Sen. Dirksen for liberal William Clark, a Daley choice who turned dove against his master's will an dlost the Mayor's financial support. The race gives the liberals a chance to tool-up for the liberation struggle.

Indiana

In a state where conservative Gov. Roger D. Branigan could call the Kennedys "outside agitators" last April, things are improving rapidly for the liberals. Facing a GOP sweep, the party gubernatorial candidate Rock asked McCathy co-ordinator and professor James Bogle to head his "Citizens for Rock" group. About twenty per cent of party boss Gordon St. Angelo's precincts are now under liberal control. Following the November election, the old McCarthy organization and a few other liberals (Kennedy imported his May primary machine, leaving few Kennedyites) will gather to form a permanent political group to work within the party for progressive party and elected officials. By the 1970 party elections this New Politics group--hopefully with sizable black community support--expects to be a significant group. Purdue professor Robert Toale is the man to watch.

Iowa

Like Colorado this state has become a model for a liberal take-over. In February, 1968 a struggling band of peaceniks started a McCarthy organization. It dug in at the grassroots and came up with this traditional Republican state's first viable Democratic political organization by July. It is liberal, extremely dynamic, and lead by popular Gov. Harold Hughes who nominated McCarthy in Chicago.

Kansas

The McCarthy campaign was never very extensive in the state; the liberals are poorly organized; the future at this point is not very bright. There are a few hopeful signs, however, the black militant community--particularly the Topeka health worker's unions--have had good rapport with McCarthy forces, and may provide the basis for a bi-racial coalition. The reformers met scattered success in the August party primary--they now control about fifteen per cent of the precincts. Liberals have high level allies within the party hierachy who may be able to help if a liberal coalition can get off the ground as it did in Colorado.

Kentucky

Though comprising only about a third of the party, a developing liberal coalition based on black and white liberal cooperation might just take control of the party in 1969 through sheer activism. In any case the liberals will probably take control of the party apparatus in greater Louisville and Lexington (the University of Kentucky).

With the impending Humphrey disaster which will probably carry the senatorial candidate down to defeat, an active liberal campaign by Kennedyite Michael Mills for the 1969 gubernatorial nomination against the dispirited regulars could conceivably put Mills in office. Once in office the patronage--which still controls vitually all the politics in the poverty-stricken eastern part of the state--could give the liberals control.

Louisiana

The old Southern conservative wing of the party still controls the state. A coalition of the weak white liberal forces and new black leadership may emerge in the not too distant future.

Maine

A newly formed and largely middle class Reform Democrats of Maine under the leadership of Bowdoin professor John C. Resenbrink hope to stem the party's growing "complacency and conservatism". The new group represents a real coalition of Kennedy and McCarthy people. Legislative lobbying and the 1970 party elections are the two objectives of the reformers activities. Resenbrink's group will be building at the grass-roots for the next two years in high hopes of taking over the state party. Most observers consider a coup unlikely in a state where labor is still loyal and Senator or vice president Muskie is both important and progressive.

Maryland

Except for dovish Sen. Joseph D. Tydings's personal organization, anti-administration liberals are unorganized. Suburban Washington's Montgomery County served as a McCarthy base in this politically Southern state where George Wallace did so well in the 1964 presidential primary vote (forty-two per cent). Baltimore is still very much a machine stronghold. New Democratic Coalition national forces hope to organize a liberal-reform group in a coalition with an emerging black leadership before the 1970 election to help re-elect Tydings and give some clout to lightweight liberals.

Massachusetts

Though McCarthy forces were dealt a setback in last week's congressional races, they hope to re-group after November and form a left, reform faction within the party. The goal is to organize in each city and town to control as many votes as possible at the June, 1970 party convention whcih nominates constitutional officers. Convention delegates are chosen by the town and city party committees.

In the aftermath of Chicago much of the McCarthy organization -- particularly in the academic community and the Republicans and Independents who joined the party for McCarthy--want to leave the party. State McCarthy leaders Jerry Grossman, Paul Counihan, and state Rep. Irving Fishman should be watched for further developments on the new left reform organization.

Michigan

Following Humphrey's defeat in November, the new liberal coalition of urban blacks and white suburbanites centered around Detroit and Lansing will in all probability take control of the party from old, worn labor-liberal leadership. In the early August party primaries, however, the bi-racial coalition which now calls itself the New Caucus took more than forty per cent of the state. Their muscle was reflected in the September 1 state convention when party leaders in a harmony effort neglected to bring up a resolution calling for a Humphrey endorsement. With Humphrey's anticipated defeat, New Caucus forces will probably be able to gain important allies of Detroit Mayor Jerry Cavanagh and black Cong. John Conyors' power and take the party leadership.

Minnesota

McCarthy forces came very close to winning party control last spring. By the time McCarthy himself comes up for re-election in November, 1970, the party should be under the control of liberal militant forces allied with the senior senator. Because of McCarthy's distain for party politics, the new leadership--while with him in spirit--can hardly be considered a personal organization. While the campaign continues this fall, the New Democratic Coalition (the McCarthy forces) are organizing themselves again in each congressional district. With strong control already in Minneapolis-St. Paul (about one third of the state), they are moving to take over out-state areas like Rochester where they came very close last spring. Twentyfive year-old former SDS official Vance Opperman, chairman of the Hennepin County (Minneapolis) party, is a man to be watched. Many consider Opperman--the epitome of the New Politics-style--the next "boy mayor" of Minneapolis, a title once held by one Hubert H. Humphrey.

Mississippi

Though the Loyal Democrats of Mississippi, a coalition of blacks lead by Charles Evers and white liberals like newspaper editor Hodding Carter, is the de jure party following its victory in Chicago last month it is not the de facto party. This presents massive confusion, since the old party led by Gov. John Bell Wliliams refuses to cease operation. The loyal coalition now have to run candidates for local and state posts who can win--making the party a reality. The new party will probably concentrate on local and legislative battles.

Missouri

Potentially strong liberal forces have not gotten together in any meaningful way yet, they desperately need good leadership. McCarthy forces made impressive liberal gains in suburban St. Louis this spring, but have failed to align themselves with the progressive black community leaders in the inner city. Instead they are associated with the old Negro bosses who are on the way out. In Kansas City McCarthyites dumped the last remnants of the Pendergast machine with whom Harry S. Truman got his start a half-century ago. But the McCarthyites have failed to unite with the Kennedy forces and the black community which means a liberal party takes over is impossible for the present.

Montana

McCarthyites came close to taking the state convention delegation this probably as a significant minority. They control about one third of the party now according to McCarthy leader Tom Towe, a Billings lawyer. Though nothing definite has been decided, McCarthyites and some Kennedy supporters are talking of building a Montana Democratic Council along the lines of California. Party elections are in October, 1969--the liberal bid for power will probably come at the time. The old guard will put up a strong resistance.

Nebraska

A non-partisan legislature and local government make the party organization of little importance. The conservative Douglas County (Omaha--half the state) "courthouse gang" is about the only machine worth attacking. This the largely McCarthyite, newly-founded Nebraska Democratic Coalition is seeking to defeat in the April '69 Omaha mayoralty elections. Founded by Omaha lawyer Frank Martin Jr., the Coalition has brought in significant black support from the Northside ghetto of Omaha. The Kennedy forces who remained following the May primary have joined the Coalition. If the liberals take Omaha next year and can organize as well as they did in the '68 Presidential preference primary, then they will control the state.

Nevada

There was little liberal anti-war McCarthy activity in the state his year. NDC national forces have no plans at this point of going into the state.

New Hampshire

McCarthy did much more than win forty-two per cent of the presidential primary vote last March; he brought about a revolution in the state party's politics on the side. McCarthy forces under the leadership of Dartmouth instructor David C. Hoeh, a congressional candidate, won about forty-five per cent of party precincts in an early September primary election. They are very close to electing a McCarthyite party chairman. Where most of Gene's organization last winter were out-of-state college students, the liberals have now developed native leadership in town after town. The Nixon landslide is expected to defeat Hoeh and most other major Democratic candidates; the McCarthy leadership just hopes to run ahead of other party candidates to prove the Granite State's dove power once again.

New Jersey

Even the regular party machine leaders believe that if Kennedy, McCarthy, and black community leaderships continue to work together, they can probably become the major force in the party. Recent elections have brought major setbacks leaving a semivacuum for the party. If the newly politicized McCarthy forces in suburban New York and Philadelphia will remain active in the party and run for office, they will change the whole nature of the party and will probably receive old guard backing. After the election, the Kennedy-McCarthy coalition of last summer will meet to plan further action. There is plenty to work for with Gov. Richard Hughes retiring. Next year is a gubernatorial and legislative election year.

New York

The only man who could bring any order to the state's byzantine party politics was assassinated in California in June. Liberals control the party to a certain extent, but their factionalization prevents any power plays on a national level at this point. Two coalitions of McCarthy and Kennedy forces are under way. The McCarthyite Coalition for a Democratic Alternative will probably die with party senatorial candidate Paul O'Dwyer's defeat in November. Though still in its formative stages, the Coalition for the Politics of the People hopes to become an issue-oriented reformist coalition in a state which has seen too many reform movements and many abortive coalitions. Stephen Smith, Paul O'Dwyer, Allard K. Lowenstein, and Percy Sutton are among the men to watch.

North Carolina

A white liberal-black coalition which fought a hard battle for McCarthy last summer controls about fifteen per cent of the party structure. The liberals are surprisingly well organized for such a Wallacite state. The coalition is strongest in Chapel Hill (the University of North Carolina), Durham, and to a certain extent Charlotte where a strong coalition came very close to winning last vear. The biracial forces will shoot for city posts in 1969 and seizure of country organizationa control whereever possible.

North Dakota

The McCarthy people put together a strong grass roots organization in the state this year. Future plans are not known at the present time.

New Mexico

A coalition of McCarthy and Kennedy (with strong, progressive Mexican-American support) forces is very close to taking over the state organization. They controlled about forty-five per cent of last summer's party convention and won a proportionate number of seats on the national convention delegation. Party elections are in January; following the November elections the Kennedy-McCarthy coalition hopes to organize precinct by precinct to rest control from the corrupt party organization in January.

Most of the coalition activists are working hard for liberal gubernatorial nominee Fabian Chavez, the first brown gubernatorial nominee in half a century.

Ohio

Unity and leadership is badly needed by both the liberals and the party itself. If the new leadership is liberal, they can probably have the party. Party senatorial nominee John Gilligan who gave up labor support rather than make a pre-convention endorsement of Humphrey will be swept under in the Nixon landslide. Young liberals like Dick Celeste of Cleveland formerly of the Peace Corps are hoping to build "a tangible issue orientation" within the party. From that base they might work out to local and then state-wide candidate contests. Gilligan, U.S. Rep. Charles Vanik, former astronaut John Glenn, and black Humphreyite Cleveland Mayor Carl Stokes all may play prominent roles in a liberal-based party move to retake the state from a decade of GOP control.

Oklahoma

The conservative state is becoming more Republican each vear. In this context pro-war liberals like Sen. Fred Harris, co-chairman of Humphrey's pre-convention drive, are about the best McCarthy supporters expect. Moderates should continue to hold the party. In academic centers like Stillwater and Norman, McCarthy generated significant grass-roots organization. In Tulsa and Oklahoma City, liberals tended more to Kennedy, but worked for McCarthy in most cases following the assassination.

Oregon

Liberal McCarthvites have control of the party--but barely. They realize consolidation and a strong issue-base are the only answers to the problem. To meet it, a reformists league--either tightly knit like the CDC or a non-partisan group like ADA--will get together after the election. McCarthy and Kennedy people never merged following the assassination, since the McCarthy slate had been elected in the May primary. Much of the Kennedy organization was out-of-state, leaving the McCarthy machine few with which to form a viable coalition. Re-electing Sen. Wayne Morse occupy most liberals this fall.

Pennsylvania

Though McCarthy won the April presidential primary with the help of a substantial organization, most liberals are not hopeful that they will triumph over the entrenched machines. In the East, Philadelphia Mayor Tate runs "the forces of evil" as one McCarthy worker described it and in the West, Pittsburg Mayor Barr.

The McCarthy forces have formed an insurgent reformist group, the Coalition of Independent Democrats and Independents to try to take over the party. This fall they will fight for Sen. Joseph Clark's re-election; later they will attempt to build the grass-roots organization to overthrow "the forces of evil."

Rhode Island

An active McCarthy-Kennedy coalition has formed the Coalition for the New Politics which will work within the party to wrest control from the Doorley machine in Providence and the conservative organization at a state level. With Brown student Leonard O'Brien, chairman of Rhode Island Students for Kennedy, challenging a Doorley candidate in Providence this fall, the liberal move has begun. Leaders of the Coalition are state Sen. Mrs. Eleanor Slater and Newport councilman David Fenton. Sen. John O. Pastore can be expected to aid the old guard if the challenge becomes serious.

South Carolina

Blacks mounted several congressional campaigns this spring and showed some voting strength. The New Democratic Coalition has no contacts yet with liberal forces within the conservative state.

South Dakota

Sen. George S. McGovern's organization is the liberal group at this point. They have strong influence in party affairs.

Tennessee

Liberals from a minority of the party and probably will for some time to come. McCarthy forces under Charles Stevenson '64 ran a strong campaign for so conservative a state with concentrated support in Nashville, Knoxville, and Oak Ridge. They developed strong ties with black moderates and militants; the Negro power structure, while sympathetic, is still aligned with the old guard machine led at this time by Gov. Buford Ellington. With constant work liberals can have a serious influence on the party stance and elect progressive local and legislative officers.

Texas

About the best strategy liberals can follow in this conservative state is to elect a Republican governor. With the conservative party power structure out of power, there might be a chance for the factionalized liberal chronic minority to take over the party in primary elections. Blacks and browns have excercised little voting power in the past, though in a new coalition with the white liberals here is hope that this can be changed by registration drives and progressive local candidates. This group, the Texas Democratic Coalition, primarily McCarthyite, is setting up a parallel party structure across the state. Other liberals are actively working for the GOP gubernatorial nominee, setting up the New Texas Party with a McCarthy-Lindsay ticket, and working to keep the only important liberal in office when he comes up for re-election in 1970--Sen. Ralph Yarborough.

Utah

Liberal forces have a lot of building to do at a very basic level if they are ever to challenge the moderate party organization. They put together a fairly strong organization for McCarthy this year. The state party chairman A. Wally Sandack voted for McCarthy in Chicago.

Vermont

With Gov. Phillip A. Hoff, a McCarthy supporter, at the head of the party and the only significant Democratic office-holder in the past few years, liberals have played an important part in the decision-making. The 7000-member McCarthy organization--with a heavy dose of academicians--will probably go for a Democratic Coalition like the CDC after the election. Affluent McCarthyites have increased their control by giving generously this fall to moderate party candidates. If Hoff runs for the U.S. Senate in 1970, the liberal Coalition will most likely provide his base of support.

Virginia

With the state growing rapidly the conservative Byrd-machine which ruled it for several decades has steadily declined during the '60's. In its place three distinct factions have risen. Though the Byrd-machine placed Gov. Mills E. Godwin in office, he has gradually shifted over to the moderate faction of the party; the moderates under Sen. William B. Sprong's leadership are a swing group who now have widespread electoral support; the liberals led by Henry Howell of Norfolk have significant organizational and electoral support in black urban areas and white suburban communities around the District of Columbia as well as in Norfolk. If the moderates and conservatives don't unite behind moderate gubernatorial candidate William Battle in the 1969 party primary, then Howell, the liberal choice, may win the nomination--although probably lose the general election to a strong GOP candidate. In either case, the liberal faction, while now just a strong minority, will gain power as the state continues its de-Southernization campaign.

Washington

"The state has a relatively simple organization to crack," said one McCarthy operative. The McCarthyites were brutally put down in party caucuses last summer and they are mad. They are mad enough to form a Washington Democratic Council (WDC) along the lines of the CDC to try to take over the party. "A lot of people are determined to stick around the party and do some homework; the only real question is how easy it is to change the people into long-term politicians," Ed Voris said, a Seattle McCarthyite.

Kennedy and McCarthy forces have worked together since the spring and will in the future. The party has lost for too long--even a few of the more conservative office-holders wouldn't mind the McCarthyites helping to rebuild. By 1970 or 1972 the Washington party will probably be in McCarthyite hands.

West Virginia

Real liberals of the McCarthy stripe are few and far between in this poverty-stricken state, but the moderate reformers like Sec. of State party nominee John D. Rockefeller IV are relatively liberal. James Sprouce, a reformer won the party nomination after a long fight against one of the state's many close to corrupt party officials. If he wins, the reformers will have control of the all important patronage to build themselves up for 1970. A possible challenge for progressives in '70 is conservative Sen. Byrd. Men to watch are Sprouce and Rockefeller.

Wisconsin

The McCarthy campaign under Donald O. Peterson won the April primary and since then has taken over the party organization. Even prominent Kennedy-backers like Pat Lucey are now part of the McCarthy-led liberal coalition (with significant black support in Milwaukee). The grassroots organization which brought thousands of new people into the state politics is now fighting for Sen. Gaylord Nelson's re-election.

Wyoming

"The state organization is Senator Gale McGee," one prominent state politician said recently. While McCarthy forces were active last summer, they have no plans to try to loosen McGee's control in the future. Tino Roncalio, a Kennedy supporter and former congressman, is the leading liberal politician in the state.This is Ted Kennedy surrounded by the People. They have become active in politics and want to make important decisions about their lives. In 1972 Ted will be nominated. They hope to nominate him. That is an important decision. The only question to be answered is, who will nominate Ted, the People or other people? The other people have worked in politics for many years and are no longer people. Of course some of the People, after working for the next four years in politics, will no longer be People. It's very complicated. But Ted will be nominated anyway.