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"He's too young and he's traveling on the reputation of his father," a hostile Winnetka Republican said recently of Adlai E. Stevenson III '52, the Democratic candidate for Treasurer of Illinois.
Stevenson, obviously, can not hide his lineage. There were (and still are) many people to whom "Stevenson" was a bad word. It was not so long ago that people sang "Eisenhower has the power." and "Stevenson's a jerk" to the tune of "Whistle While You Work." And his father never carried Illinois in a presidential election. The name, nevertheless, is unquestionably working to Adlai III's advantage as he campaigns vigorously through Illinois.
At 35, Adlai III is the oldest of the late Governor's three sons. He graduated from Harvard in 1952 and from the Law School in 1957. Since then he has served as a law clerk to the Illinois Supreme Court and entered one of Chicago's largest law firms where he is now a partner.
With his father's blessings, Adlai launched his political career in 1964. He was first in the state-wide election for the Illinois House of Representatives (the runner-up was ironically Earl Eisenhower). In the House he was part of a small clique of liberal Democrats that sponsored a package of sorely needed reform legislation. The Republican-dominated Senate, however, voted down anything that smelled faintly of reform.
Frustrated by this situation, Stevenson accepted Senator Paul Douglas' offer of second billing on the Democratic slate. (There's no Illinois gubernatorial election this year.) Douglas, who is in a rough contest with Charles Percy, felt that Stevenson's name would, indeed, help the ticket. Chicago's Mayor Richard J. Daley agreed to the nomination in spite of Stevenson's endorsement, last spring, of Abner Mikva, who made a bold though unsuccessful bid to unseat one of Daley's men in the U.S. House of Representatives.
ADLAI and MRS. STEVENSON campaign in what is obviously very friendly territory. Stevenson's personal image is weak but he hopes to overcome this with "meet-the-people" campaigning. He has already visited all of Illinois' 102 counties.
"Dreadfully Dull"?
The office of state treasurer would seem to hold little appeal for most aspiring politicians. Stevenson was even misquoted, to his dismay, by a Washington Post society columnist as supposedly remarking that the state treasurership was "dreadfully dull." Actually there are several sound reasons for his candidacy. As Stevenson sees it, the treasurer's office provides him with an opportunity to speak out on what he feels are the crucial problems facing. Illinois state government, such as the conflicts of interest among office holders which Stevenson feels are the primary sources of corruption and inefficiency in Illinois government. Stevenson also realizes that he is constitutionally barred from seeking another term as treasurer and thus will not have to disavow any ambitions for higher office.
In the contest Stevenson faces little trouble from Harris Rowe, his opponent. Rowe is virtually unknown--a late August poll of Chicago commuters revealed that less than 40 per cent of them even knew Rowe's name.
But there is a potential threat to Stevenson's election. It springs from the popular dissatisfaction, which faces every Democrat now running for office in Illinois. Resentment over the war and inflation account for part of this feeling but most of it stems from the Civil Rights Movement. Last summer the traditionally Democratic working-people of Chicago swore not to forget how, as they saw it, The Rev. Martin Luther King and the Chicago Freedom Movement, under the protection of Mayor Daley's police force, ran roughshod over their front lawns. Mayor Daley did everything within his power to prevent the open housing demonstrations, but he and the other Democrats are somehow being held accountable for the "White Humiliation" these people feel they suffered at the hands of Civil Rights marchers. The backlash is even a factor down state. In one all-white down-state county, a member of Stevenson's staff was forced to listen to a 15 minute tirade by an old lady on how the Negro is lowering the standard of morality.
The impact of the backlash has been apparent in recent straw polls taken by the Chicago Sun Times. The brunt of it, however, will probably be shouldered by Senator Douglas -- and it may defeat him -- rather than Stevenson. Even in Mayor Daley's own 11th Ward, where Douglas has proviously rolled up 78 per cent of the vote, he polled only 51 per cent. In the same poll, however, Stevenson got 68 per cent. In general Stevenson holds a comfortable 10 per cent margin over Howe while Douglas trails Percy by about 15 per cent. Stevenson will win; the only question is just how badly will the voter resentment hurt him.
If Adlai does have higher political aspirations, for example the governor's chair or Senate seat, then the experience of two consecutive victorious state-wide campaigns will be an in valuable asset. He will have proven his ability as a vote-getter and will be at least reasonably familiar with the party organization and the press. Moreover, the experience of this campaign will have allowed him a chance to polish his campaign style. Adlai's speeches tend to be dull and confused, his public image is weak and could use more color; for humor he relies too often on his father's old stories -- the most famous is one about his father seeing a conspicuously pregnant woman carrying a large poster at a presidential rally with the words ADLAI IS THE MAN on it. In a word, Adlai III needs more flavor.
But this picture sells Adlai short. It sizes him up in terms only of the Kennedy campaign style of wit and eloquence while ignoring his administrative competence and his political views. Recently at a fund-raising dinner for Douglas, Arthur Schlesinger Jr. differentiated the genuine politicians from the synthetic ones. He spoke of President Kennedy, Ambassador Stevenson, Senator Douglas and even Barry Goldwater as men of sincere political convictions, as genuine politicians. In the second category he put Ronald Reagan and Charles Percy, saying that they were men who tailored their convictions to the whim of the crowd. One should think of Adlai III in light of this distinction; his convictions are genuine and sincere, they are not artificial and fleeting.
Rather than playing up just those issues which happen to be popular, Stevenson has asked some probing questions about the reality of state government -- making that the issue. A case in point is Stevenson's opposition to an Illinois Revenue Article, which he considers poorly drafted and financially dangerous. Since both parties officially support the bill, Stevenson's position could easily hurt him. Nevertheless, he thinks he can get the bill defeated and still win the election. But Stevenson's idealism should not be mistaken for naivete; he is acutely aware of the political realities with which he must deal.
Stevenson, if elected next week, could easily run for either governor or senator in 1968. He probably would not challenge Senator Everett M. Dirksen, but if Dirksen declines to run for medical reasons, he might be tempted to seek that seat. More likely he will try for governor, his father's old office. Governor Otto Kerner would like a third term but the party might junk him in deference to Stevenson if Stevenson demonstrates vote-getting power.
The inevitable question of whether Adlai III is of presidential timbre is asked openly only by the student volunteers in the headquarters -- some say that his attraction of 3000 students to his Youth for Adlai organization is indicative in itself. Although others say Stevenson is merely riding on his father's name, his election as "Best Legislator" by the Independent Voters of Illinois organization shows he has great promise on his own. He is still no hell-raiser on the platform and often appears to be deep in thought -- even in a casual conversation. But his rise to national prominence may depend on the evolution of his style, and his ability to prove to some that he's a competent and energetic individual, that he's not merely "traveling on the reputation of his father.
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