The Maddox Victory

Political fortunes sometimes take strange turns; in Georgia, an entire party fabric can rip to shreds in a matter or weeks.

One month ago former Governor Ellis Arnall, a moderate with a distinctly liberal image, ran ahead of five other candidates by 55,000 votes in the Democratic gubernatorial primary--a comfortable margin, but not large enough to avoid a runoff with staunch segregationist Lester Maddox.

Two weeks later in the runoff, Maddox startled everybody by defeating Arnall by 70,000 votes. The moderate Democrats were left in the cold. Overshadowing the whole primary, however, were the Republicans and Howard ("Bo") Callaway, a segregationist and Gold-water conservative who loomed this summer as a solid favorite to win the November general election no matter whom his Democratic opponent happened to be.

So volatile is the political situation that Maddox, the Democratic candidate whom Republicans calculated would be easiest to defeat is now far ahead. The old-line segregationists who were talking up Callaway during the summer are now deserting the Republican camp for Maddox, who gained fame several years ago when he sold axe-handle "drumsticks" to beat Negroes away from his segregated Pickrick Restaurant.

The confusion began last spring when former Governor Ernest Vandiver, a moderate conservative and the clear favorite among the the Democrats, withdrew from the governor's race because of poor health. Senator Herman Talmadge immediately appeared about to enter the contest as Vandiver's replacement, but then backed out as suddenly as he had entered.

That episode left the moderate-conservative faction of the Democratic party without a statewide candidate and propelled Arnall to the front, even though Talmadge and Vandiver both favored James Gray of Albany. An urbane, Massachusetts-born publisher, Gray campaigned against the Great Society, lawlessness, and bragged that his stand during demonstrations in Albany resulted in the jailing of Martin Luther King. Gray, however, despite an enormous advertising campaign, never gained the popularity among the state's hard-core segregationists that Maddox enjoyed.

While Gray and Maddox battled for the racist vote, Arnall and State Senator Jimmy Carter split the moderate support. Carter possesses all the boyish charm and warmth that Arnall so desperately lacks, but until the last two weeks of the campaign, Carter struggled against the damning popular assumption that he was too little known on a statewide basis. But, in fact, Maddox barely edged out Carter for the runoff spot.

The other candidates directed their attacks at Arnall, the frontrunner, while Arnall carefully concentrated his campaigning on Callaway to avoid alienating the other Democratic candidates' supporters. At worst, Arnall strategists expected only to be forced into a runoff before winning decisively.

Confronted by the runoff, Arnall told his top lieutenants that he had to save money for the fight against Callaway, rather than spend lavishly to beat Maddox, His consequent failure to provide funds for the transportation of Negro voters was partly responsible for the disappointing Negro turnout.

There were other factors more central to Arnall's defeat. The timely Atlanta riots--one week before the first primary--no doubt strengthened Maddox. Although he had much Atlanta big-business support, Arnall failed to receive endorsements from most major public officials, who played coy the whole way. Finally, Arnall was personally disliked by many people who simply could not stomach his inflated, exultant style.

Georgia's lack of party registration and the absence of a Republican primary hurt Arnall the most. With Callaway unopposed, some 75,000 to 100,000 Republicans were able to vote in the Democratic primary for the supposedly weaker candidate, Maddox.

What the Republicans did not count on was the switch to Maddox of segregationists who supported Callaway this summer when everyone thought Arnall would be an easy victor in the Democratic race. The great irony of the whole campaign is that the Republicans painted themselves into a corner.

While the new Republican Party is being drained down to its more responsible members, the moderate Democrats and Negroes do not know quite where to turn. Carl Sanders, who is ineligible ot succeed himself as governor, stated succinctly Monday after a European trip, "I am a Democrat: I will support the Democratic candidate." Sanders feels that he must support the party nominee since it was he who stressed party loyalty during Lyndon Johnson's 1964 campaign.

But liberal Atlanta Democratic leaders Mayor Ivan Allen and Congressman Charles Weltner have both roundly denounced Maddox. Weltner, who resigned his office rather than obey the party oath to Maddox, stated that he will write in a third choice on his ballot.

Several Atlanta leaders have been organizing a write-in campaign for Arnall. Negro state senator Leroy John-son also favors a write-in. Carter, now a surprisingly active worker for Maddox, squashed any attempts to use his name on the ballot, but Arnall has remained cautiously silent on the matter.

A substantial write-in vote would throw the election into the House if neither of the top two candidates received a majority of the votes cast. An election in the rural-dominated House would probably go to Maddox. Moderate Democrats realize that they can enjoy retaliation against the Republicans without directly voting for Maddox.

Callaway, having opened his campaign in October with a speech blasting the Sanders administration, stated a week later that he would "continue the honest administration of Carl Sanders and Ernie Vandiver," in a flagrant move to gain moderate votes. But moderates still believe that Bo is just a Lester without a Pickrick stick.