Helio Jaguaribe

Helio Jaguaribe is an eclectic revolutionary--one of the "new breed" of Latin American intellectuals. In a land known for its militant theorists and dogmatic unarxists, he is a pragmatic and flexible practitioner. Born and educated in Brazil, he founded a steel mill in 1953, managed it for ten years, and then resigned when General Castelo Branco seized control of the government in early 1964; he found only a "minimum of compatibility" with the new regime.

Now visiting Harvard as professor of Government, Jaguaribe is convinced that Army dictatorships must yield to popular democracy; he advocates state control instead of U.S. ownership in Latin American industry. But he does not believe that Communism, pure and simple, is the only alternative to military domination and foreign exploitation. "I am really very undogmatic," he says smiling. "I believe in choosing what is best for Latin America from Marxism and capitalism--and of course that will mean a great many changes."

The changes that Jaguaribe proposes would "overthrow the military conservative coalition which now protects the income and influence of the elite." Jaguaribe believes that Brazil's most obvious problems--low productivity in agriculture, rural poverty and the erosion of natural resources--only reflect the institutional inequities maintained by this "conspiracy." Nearly 90% of all rural workers do not own the land they work on. The absence of a rural middle class market stifles Brazilian industry. The bem nascidos and the army "combine to keep one masses out of the political club."

Like other Latin American intellectuals, Jaguaribe criticizes the United States for exploiting his country's resources and supporting military-elitist coalitions. He speaks with a peculiar mixture of hostility and admiration of "our North American neighbor." "People now ask," he says, "which will live longer: General Motors or Brazil? The armies you aid are only fit for the oppression of their own people, the occupation of their own nation. By supporting these dictators, you are guarding stability and preventing communism, but you are also suppressing the popular will. The loans of the United States can sustain the present government, but they will not bring the changes that are necessary. Those changes--land reform, mass suffrage, state control--must be profound and substantive; they must be organic; they must come from within Brazil. And unless they come soon, "the dissatisfaction of the masses will erupt in uncontrollable ."

Jaguaribe speaks with a kind of nervous energy about the tension and discontent which now separate the Brazilian government from its people. "I do not like suffering and death," he says, "I am not an idealistic revolutionary. But I do believe that the lower class must be educated by office--by doses of chaos. A little blood now may save a lot later on. The primitive chaotic forces must be released."

These are fearsome warnings and, fortunately, Jaguaribe's bark is worse than his bite. His good-natured pragmatism allows him to appreciate more than one point of view. He smiles, even after his most militant pronouncements. "I realize your country's concern for national interest," he says simply, "You have helped us greatly. We should be grateful for what you have done--and we are grateful."

Questions of doctrine and ideology matter less to Jaguaribe than a "general understanding," a personal compatibility. He would rather make a friend than convert a capitalist. He is as amiable and unassuming as he is undogmatic. He invites his students to "pose questions;" he encourages criticism of his own views.

Jaguaribe entertains no illusions about the popularity of those views with the present government. His opponents argue that he underestimates the important function that military regimes fulfill as "caretakers for democracy" in areas which lack the traditions, institutions and educated electorate requisite for real democracy. Jaguribe concedes that he occasionally minimizes the necessity for U.S. investment, the contributions of the Allianza and the desirability of stability and order for economic development.

"My beliefs," he admits, "are not accepted by the regime of Castelo Branco." And yet, it is the duty of the intellectual to formulate his theories and publicize his views, even though they may be "open to question." "You must try to increase the sum of rationality that prevails," says Jaguaribe. "You must chose among the doctrines of socialism and capitalism and apply the most appropriate to your country." After all, "even by thinking you are doing something."

Jaguaribe speaks with a kind of nervous energy about the tension and discontent which now separate the Brazilian government from its people. "I do not like suffering and death," he says, "I am not an idealistic revolutionary. But I do believe that the lower class must be educated by office--by doses of chaos. A little blood now may save a lot later on. The primitive chaotic forces must be released."

These are fearsome warnings and, fortunately, Jaguaribe's bark is worse than his bite. His good-natured pragmatism allows him to appreciate more than one point of view. He smiles, even after his most militant pronouncements. "I realize your country's concern for national interest," he says simply, "You have helped us greatly. We should be grateful for what you have done--and we are grateful."

Questions of doctrine and ideology matter less to Jaguaribe than a "general understanding," a personal compatibility. He would rather make a friend than convert a capitalist. He is as amiable and unassuming as he is undogmatic. He invites his students to "pose questions;" he encourages criticism of his own views.

Jaguaribe entertains no illusions about the popularity of those views with the present government. His opponents argue that he underestimates the important function that military regimes fulfill as "caretakers for democracy" in areas which lack the traditions, institutions and educated electorate requisite for real democracy. Jaguribe concedes that he occasionally minimizes the necessity for U.S. investment, the contributions of the Allianza and the desirability of stability and order for economic development.

"My beliefs," he admits, "are not accepted by the regime of Castelo Branco." And yet, it is the duty of the intellectual to formulate his theories and publicize his views, even though they may be "open to question." "You must try to increase the sum of rationality that prevails," says Jaguaribe. "You must chose among the doctrines of socialism and capitalism and apply the most appropriate to your country." After all, "even by thinking you are doing something."