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Rarely has so much abuse from so many intelligent people been heaped on a political candidate with so negligible an effect as in this Massachusetts Senatorial race. Amid the emotionalism of the campaign, Ted Kennedy has turned blacker and blacker in the eyes of his detractors. He is constantly slurred as a negative force, a shadow which cannot be hit. Actually, the meteoric rise of Ted Kennedy is a positive force attributable to personal dynamism, political genius, effective organization and popular policies. He is certainly helped by a magic name and an opposition which has proved unable to exploit his weaknesses.
It is true that Ted lacks the maturity and depth of JFK; it is likely that he lacks the acuteness of brother Bob. But when Ted stands before 3000 people, chin stuck forward, arms pumping up and down, chopping out Kennedy rhetoric--"I support Medicare, not just because a Democratic administration wants it, although it does, not just because the President wants it, although he does, but because the people of Massachusetts need it,"--it becomes manifestly obvious that certain attributes of the older Kennedys are quite unnecessary to the success of EMK. As a man, Ted is handsome, vigorous and charming. As a politician, Ted has the glamor of JFK without the President's inhibitions and introspection. Ted strides through a factory slapping backs with the natural political zest, though not the warmth, of Nelson Rockefeller. Ted enjoys campaigning. Last May he told delegates to the State Convention, "A candidate can't expect support unless he asks for it, and I'm here asking." This phrase is still repeated by the candidate dozens of times a day all through the State. It is the not ridiculous to suggest that Ted could win the election with the name Edward Moore. It is the nomination that Edward Moore never could have gotten.
As it is, advantages from the Kennedy name are paternal as well as fraternal; big brother is President, but father is a devout philanthropist, and in Massachusetts religion and charity are issues. Ted's organization is another trump: Kennedy forces take maximum advantage of both citizen groups and traditional local machines. Advance publicity, scheduling, contacts, communications run unbelievably smoothly.
Ted feels the campaign should center on issues, not personalities. Despite the fact that he will remain primarily a personality to many Massachusetts voters, Ted devotes a great deal of energy to supporting the Democratic administration and its legislative program. George Lodge is right when he charges that Ted's platform lacks originality.
But it is likely that the liberals who applaud this charge, the voters who have come to see Ted Kennedy as political evil incarnate, will support him by 1970 because of a solid, liberal voting record.
To Ted the major issue of the campaign is "whether we will send someone to Washington who will support the national administration." The well-worn slogan "He can do more for Massachusetts" means to him, "I can do more for because I support a Democratic program, and a Democratic program does more for the people." Lodge interprets Ted's slogan in terms of who can attain more defense contracts for Massachusetts. He argues that two elected Kennedys can offer only mutual embarrassment, not mutual aid. But, even on Lodge's terms, will a President who appoints one brother Attorney General and permits another to run for the Senate be embarrassed to bolster the Massachusetts economy for the sake of Ted's polical career? Ted sees nothing impractical in his probable future relationship with the President. Our responsibilities are different, says Ted. "The President would expect me to support Massachusetts as he did as Senator." Thus Ted praises the Trade Expansion Act but warns that "Massachusetts industry must not be impacted by foreign competition." Generally, Democratic policies are popular policies in this state and Ted says simply "The President and I have the same Democratic philosophy."
Thus three faces of Ted Kennedy emerge in the campaign. There is a glamorous Ted Kennedy the candidate, personable Ted Kennedy joking about touch football in his car between campaign stops, and defensive Ted Kennedy, the uncomfortable target of reporters. Ted is impatient and evasive when challenges on specific weaknesses. He claims inexperience is no issue, has no convincing answer to his failure to debate with Lodge and Hughes, refuses to discuss Presidential influence in the campaign. But Ted's unwillingness to face these questions will have little political effect.
Somehow, candidate Kennedy manages to avoid any public display of overconfidence. When questioned, he replies, "I have worked two years for this election, I will not let up in the last few weeks." But away from the ears of votes and reporters, when a local political boss said, "Well, Ted, we sure carried East Boston in that primary, 13,751 to 78," Ted winked and replied, "we'll find those 78."
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