The Texans

The most vicious anti-Eisenhower joke told during his Administration was circulating in Washington before the State of the Union message Thursday. It related how the President and his press secretary were playing golf when Hagerty went up to the foursome ahead of them and asked, "Would you mind if we played through? War has been declared."

Such a story would have scarely been conceivable a year ago, but it reflected a growing mood of the Congress, if not of its constituents before the President's speech. It seems quite possible that Thursday's talk staved off an incipient revolt on Capitol Hill, but just barely.

One concrete product of the President's diminished prestige was the caucus called for Senate Democrats, who heard Lyndon Johnson switch from the "me-too-maybe" line of the first session of the 85th to a carefully formulated program. Senate Democrats have caucused before, but seldom before a State of the Union address and never with such wide ranging problems under discussion.

A comparison between the speeches made by the President and the Senate Majority Leader reveals a remarkable similarity. But Johnson has the edge in the urgency and vision of his call. This vision--control of outer space by the free world--was rapidly attacked as too far-fetched for the 85th, but it is unlike Senator Johnson to go out on a limb for anything he does not deeply believe is essential. His eloquence in communicating his concern has already muted some critics and given the rest some non-partisan second thoughts.

If Johnson uncharacteristically exposed himself to political attack, the President took special pains to strengthen a seriously weakened position without over-extending himself, as Johnson may have done. The President did not, however, neutralize himself, as he frequently has in the past. While not taking a partisan approach, he assumed some of the blame for under-estimating the psychological significance of the Sputnik, and he at least recognized the existence of the dispute over inter-service rivalry. Because he did not make a mea culpa statement of reform and renewed good intentions, he left a large measure of the blame unplaced. As a result he may still be accused of some lack of candor, but the positive effect of his proposals can over-ride such charges.

Up by the Bootstraps

The President, though he rescued himself from a political Perils of Pauline situation, did only that. His middle way approach particularly in defense and education was scarcely electrifying enough to take the ball away from the Democratic leadership. Unless his promised resolution of Defense Department organization materializes soon, he will be right back in hot water.

Not having the Capitol Hill liason group which aided Roosevelt's New Deal, the President will have to take very personal charge of his program. The Vice President will undoubtedly be an asset to him, and it would seem that Senate Republicans will cooperate with the White House, at least until the budget for economic aid is brought up. Then Senator Knowland might make a play, for the mutual assistance doctrine is one which no amount of forcible reteration seems to be able to put across. The President certainly gave it his strongest plug to date, but without giving it continued pressure with similar determination, he could still see it go up in smoke.

Safe Passage

The rest of the budget may get speedy approval, now that Treasury Secretary Humphrey has departed. The only blocks to its quick passage would be a seemingly inadequate defense appropriation or a failure to care for the social legislation endorsed by the Senate Democrats.

Many legislators recall Charley Wilson's warning that defense appropriations must do more than simply increase to cover the cost of inflation. The $40 billion figure reputedly selected by the Administration for this year's military spending tallies uncomfortably closely with Wilson's estimate for a budget raise designed only to meet rising costs. If, of course, Eisenhower can show that the same amount of real money is being spent more wisely, he will be home safe. Such a position, however, will take a lot of knowledgeable defending, even in an election year.

If the Democrats get the slightest hint that domestic programs are being cut in the interests of a balanced budget, the real yelling will start. With a good chance to make a Congressional sweep in November, the Democrats won't be missing a trick, particularly on such tangible programs as housing, conservation, farm supports, and school construction.

Despite the busy agenda that the Congress will face, one of the biggest items of debate will be disarmament policy. The normal forums for such discussions are the State Department, the White House, and the National Security Council. The big Texan with the big ideas, however, forcefully pulled the Stassen-Dulles feud into the Congressional repertoire. Calling for peace waged at the conference table, Johnson, who invited "all men of all nations" to its chairs, outbid the President. Eisen-hower simply held the door open to talks, but required credentials of good faith for those who want to pass the threshold. It will indeed be a novel spectacle, though not one unwelcome to Senator Bricker, if the Senate tries to assume a forceful role in foreign policy decisions.

The difference at the moment between the President and Lyndon Johnson seems to be one of degree. If the White House produces actions to match its pledges, it could well regain some of the President's escaped prestige. If the motive power in the "total peace" effort falls to the loyal opposition, it will be a Democratic year as of last October4.