Bombs Away

To some it may seem appropriate that the United States' latest series of nuclear tests should be held during Armed Forces Week. To others, however, the tests are inappropriate at any time. Albert Schweitzer, Pope Pius XII, the West German Bundestag, the British Labor Party, and the Japanese government have all declared their desire for a suspension of the test explosions.

More important, however, is the Supreme Soviet's appeal for representatives of the U.S. Congress and the British Parliament to meet with Russian legislators to discuss banning nuclear bomb experiments. The United States can, and probably will, ignore the pleas from Africa, Rome, Bonn, and Tokyo, but it cannot afford to overlook the resolution passed in Moscow.

For the first time in eleven years there is every reason to take the Russian proposal seriously. Considering the improvement in the Communist attitude towards disarmament, the Supreme Soviet's call for a conference no longer seems completely suspect. Although the Administration, which is deeply committed to the tests, may fail to respond to the Kremlin's challenge, the Joint Congressional Committee on Atomic Energy should not let the opportunity pass.

Aside from pressuring for a lower-level international conference on the possibility of ending test explosions, the Committee should attempt to make the A.E.C. postpone the series of tests scheduled for this week. Declaring a moratorium on further experiments until the Communists' intentions have been fully explored would have the effect of demonstrating America's concern over the possible effects of test explosions. If Moscow is sincere in its proposal, the world would gain substantially by such a ban, and if it is not sincere, America can discover this before it loses any ground in the armaments race.

Hopefully, the British Laborites can exert sufficient influence in their government to halt England's summer tests temporarily. Although British and American legislators cannot, on their own, negotiate any permanent end to the tests, nor do more than try to limit the tests to those of purely tactical weapons, their discussions with the Russians can be important. The talks would serve to probe Communist intentions, while postponing further activity on either side of the Iron Curtain.

If the proposed conference is successful, disarmament will come closer to reality. Meanwhile, America and Britain lose nothing by postponing their tests. Their action would have a substantial propaganda effect, for it would deprive the Communists of the initiative they have gained by their announcement. Knowing that our nuclear retaliatory powers are already high enough to deter potential aggression, we cannot afford to refuse as attractive an offer as that of the Russians.