News

Garber Announces Advisory Committee for Harvard Law School Dean Search

News

First Harvard Prize Book in Kosovo Established by Harvard Alumni

News

Ryan Murdock ’25 Remembered as Dedicated Advocate and Caring Friend

News

Harvard Faculty Appeal Temporary Suspensions From Widener Library

News

Man Who Managed Clients for High-End Cambridge Brothel Network Pleads Guilty

What TIME Is It?

The Fourth Estate

By Milton S. Gwirtzman

One of the journalistic consequences of our harried age has been the rise in the circulation of the weekly newsmagazines. To those who wish to keep up with the world, but can't bother to plow through the newspapers, these magazines offer an entire week's events boiled down into one easily-digested serving. And they are influential. As Time (circ. 2,000,000), modestly admits in its advertisements, "America's leading educators, presidents of business corporation, members of Congress, the top men in practically every field vote Time their favorite magazine. . . . They depend on its accuracy."

The casual reader cannot check the accuracy or objectivity of Time, dependent as he may be upon them. His memory rarely stretches back past last week's issue. However, since Time has committed the fatal slip of binding its back issues and putting them on reserve in the library, its objectivity can be examined. We have decided to do this by comparing Time's reporting of the same men and the same events during the Democratic Administration of 1946-52, and the Republican Administration of 1952-55.

Take the income tax, an event of annoying recurrence. The "average American," of whom Time writes with great apparent familiarity, was bent over by his tax burden during the Democratic years. Thus: "This week once again, the American taxpayer was working over his income tax return. He did not do the job happily. . . The Blow, in full and crushing measure, now lands each March 15 on the chin of a fellow named John Q." (Mar. 25, 1950)

But in 1955: ". . . 60 million Americans have by this week signed their 1954 income-tax forms. . . . They did this, wonderful to tell, without riots or protest. . . . It has become more and more unfashionable to criticize the income-tax level." (April 18, 1955)

Or look at the periodic reports on the economic health of the nation:

April 2, 1951 (Democratic Administration): "Never in U.S. history had the cost of living been so high. The consumer's price index his a new peak of 183.8."

July 4, 1955 (Republican Administration. Consumer price index, 192.3): "After a considerable shift in domestic economic policy, the U.S. is more prosperous than ever before."

The sudden glow which accompanied the Republican Administration even transformed personalities. George E. Allen, as a government official in the Truman Administration, was worked over as follows:

"Last week . . . the President [Truman] cased his croniest crony, George E. Allen, into the Board of Directors of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation." (Jan. 28, 1946) "George is all the more remarkable because, to the naked eye, he is a clown." (Aug. 12, 1946)

But behold: "Last week . . . President Eisenhower played golf with his friend, successful businessman George E. Allen." (Dec. 14, 1954)

Time's technique is perhaps best revealed in its weekly column on the Presidency. Its reports on Presidential behavior are able to rise above objectivity and perceive distinctions where none are apparent. Thus, "President Truman flapped open his leather notebook and began in his usual flat tone to read his message to Congress on the State of the Union. When he finished 45 minutes later, he had made little news." (Jan. 21, 1952)

However, "President Eisenhower's 1955 State of the Union Speech had sweep and calm and balance," and although "it elaborated the obvious, perhaps that was precisely what the country needed." (Jan. 17, 1955)

The casual observer might not have detected the difference in the way each President handled the question of whether he would seek a second term: "The subject of Harry Truman's 1952 intentions came up again in his weekly press conference. The President wasn't saying, just acting deliberately mysterious. It has become an unprofitable inquiry and a stale joke." (July 23, 1951)

". . . he (Eisenhower) has skillfully refused to commit himself on 1956." (Jan. 24, 1955) "Adroitly, he fielded questions about a second term." (July 11, 1955) "At the President's news conference last week, his 1956 intentions seemed to be on the mind of almost every one of the 188 reporters present. Both the questioners and the answerer were obviously enjoying the banter." (Mar. 14, 1955)

It is perhaps arguable whether a weekly has any more right than a daily to editorialize in its news columns. Instead, with what must be great expenditures on interviews and questionnaires, it tells its readers what "the people" think:

"In the eyes of most U. S. citizens, Harry Truman's administration had bogged down in ludicrous futility." (June 3, 1946)

They saw Ike, and they liked what they saw. They liked him for his strong, vigorous manner of speech, and for an overriding, innate kindliness and modesty. But most of all, they liked him in a way they could scarcely explain. They liked Ike because, when they saw him and heard him talk, he made them proud of themselves and all the half-forgotten best that was in them and in the nation." (June 16, 1952)

It is comforting to know that the educators, corporation presidents, Congressmen and others who depend on Time, can draw their opinions from such a clear, pure fountain of fact. Makes the rest of us feel more at case.

Want to keep up with breaking news? Subscribe to our email newsletter.

Tags