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(This is the first of a series of articles by Faculty members on the effect of the recent election on various aspects of national and international problems.)
The fact that the word "bi-partisan" is frequently used does not mean that the return to office of President Truman and the Democratic party will have no effect on our foreign policy. There are various parts of that policy, notably with respect to tariffs and foreign trade, where the partisan cleavage has remained deep. There are other parts that are likely to be pressed by quite different means than if Dewey and the Republicans had come to power.
There has been and probably will continue to be substantial agreement among the leaders of both parties on the following prepositions: that no useful purpose will be served by reopening negotiations with Russia on the many issues that divide the world until it becomes clear that the Soviet Union is ready to take negotiations seriously and is willing to make concessions as well as to receive them; that the best--in fact, the only--way to bring this situation about is to convince the Soviet Union that the postwar expansion of world Communism and Russian influence has about run its course; that the means appropriate to this objective are, in the main, economic assistance and, in a few cases, military assistance.
Wallace Repudiation Confirms Policy
Undoubtedly the smallness of the vote for Wallace gives powerful impetus to this policy. Before November second, there is some evidence that leaders in the Soviet Union and her satellites considered a large segment of the American people to be opposed to the Russian policy of this government. There is no reason for that illusion now. In my opinion, the magnitude of the Wallace defeat hastens the day when it may be possible to undertake serious negotiations with the Soviet Union since Soviet leaders must be by now convinced that the prospects for appeasement are definitely blighted.
Russian Negotiations May Be Resumed
When and under what circumstances it will become fruitful to resume negotiations with the Russians is a difficult matter of judgment. Truman and his party, I feel, are more likely to probe this matter carefully than would be the Republicans. The Vinson gesture was abortive because the President failed to clear it with the Secretary of State, with our principal allies, and with the Republican representatives of a policy which must continue to be bi-partisan. If it had been so cleared, there is much to be said for the proposed action. It indicates, I think, that the President, while maintaining a firm position vis-a-vis Russia, will continue to seek an eventual agreement.
Appropriations for a contiuance of the European Recovery Program are much safer under Democratic control than under Republican. Although Dewey, Vandenberg, and other leaders have supported this program effectively, the isolationist wing of the Republican party is still strong and would probably have made its influence felt.
More European Cooperation
More important, however, than this is the effect of the election on the political orientation in western Europe. Although this is largely guess work, I would fear that the Republicans would view, with more equanimity than our present administration is likely to do, the emergence to power of de Gaulle in France and of similar political forces in other countries. The Truman administration may, with some justice, be characterized as a Liberal-Labor Government. As such its influence in western Europe will probably be thrown in directions favored by the Labor and Liberal Governments of Britain and the Scandinavian countries. This will, I think, greatly facilitate necessary cooperation among the countries of western Europe in an integrated recovery program.
GOP Would Have Made Changes
Finally, if the Republicans had come to power, certainly the reciprocal trade program and the proposed International Trade Organization would have been in jeopardy. On the other hand, the Democratic victory is likely to lead to farm policies which run strongly counter to the principles of the International Trade Program. Truman will support freer trade and the trade organization which is all to the good; he will probably also strengthen agricultural price supports which carry with them export subsidies for agricultural products. This is certainly hard to reconcile with the trade program.
All in all, there is likely to be a considerably stronger orientation toward international cooperation than would have been possible under a Republican administration.
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