Crisis in Coal

Most of the discussions of the strike going on this week at the captive-coal mines sound like plain prejudiced shouting. Men who shudder at the very mention of the word "union" dismiss the side of the workers without a thought of the rights of the union shop. Men who get the same reaction to the word "management" refuse to consider the side of the steel companies. Defense addicts accuse the strikers of disloyalty. Isolationists claim the government measures are the opening wedge of fascism.

From our secluded vantage point safe within college walls the whole situation is far from clear, but a few facts and ideas do seem apparent. First of all, we can sympathize with a union member who has worked hard to help organize his union and secure bargaining rights for it, only to find that the worker in the next bunker is getting all the gains of safety measures and increased pay without doing a thing for the organization that has secured his advantages. It seems to us that the union shop is a fair compromise between the one-sidedness of the closed shop and the viciousness of open shop, company union, or yellow dog contracts. Why the steel companies will not admit the C.I.O. right to force that last diminutive fraction of the workers to join seems strange to us. We do not feel that the five per cent should benefit from the work of the ninety-five.

On the other hand, the union has picked, or has had picked for it, an unfortunate time to present their demands. By the ruses, subterfuges, and publicity of the steel companies, the public has been convinced that there is a coal shortage and that the strike is halting the defense effort. The union was bound to come into open conflict with the Administration, which is determined that the last isolationist labor leader shall not regain the power he has lost. With the public and the government so much opposed to its actions that there would be little squawk if President Roosevelt called out troops, the union is in a tough spot.

Somewhere there must be a solution. The companies, which sniffed the odor of victory in the 9 to 2 decision of the Defense Mediation Board, will never give in now to the workers without Administration persuasion. Roosevelt cannot back down to Lewis despite the weakness of the government position. The C.I.O. cannot give in, and Lewis shows no sign of weakness.

If, however, the C.I.O. were, through some means, to throw Lewis out on his ear without deserting the stand of the union, the strike would stand a far better chance of gaining the victory that it merits. The loss of its bushy eyebrowed ex-president would be no loss to the C.I.O., for he ranks among the country's less popular individuals. His hatred of Roosevelt and intervention, and his dictatorial tendencies have not endeared him to the public.