History and Present Social Conditions in Haiti Are Described by Former Member of Legation

This discussion of affairs in Halti was written for the Crimson by H. H. MacCubbin '26, former Secretary to the American Legation in Halti.

When Columbus set sail to discover a new passage to India, one of the islands he touched upon was Haiti, then named Hispaniola. Little did he or the Spanish colonists who came after him realize what deep and ticklish problems this little island would present.

It is fitting to call Haiti the land of romance and revolution. During the early part of its history the element of romance predominated and only the distant rumblings of rebellions, thrilling and adventurous in themselves, were heard. But the romance was dulled and revolutions became materialistic. Sordidness and poverty replaced the gayety and wealth of romantic times.

Ceded to France as Saint Dominique

The early settlers in Haiti were a cold and hard-hearted lot who gradually exterminated the native Indians. A labor shortage developed. This was a prospect no Spanish grandee could face with equanimity, and so he found a substitute for the Indian in the blacks of Africa, and these he imported as fast as he could, making them his slaves. The colonists of Spain were not a tenacious lot, however, and in 1697 the Island of Haiti was ceded to France under the name of Saint Dominique.

Contrast of Planters and Slaves

Not very different was the policy of the French from that of the Spanish. The importation of Negroes continued and only a few Frenchmen settled on plantations in the country or built mansions for themselves in the towns. Theirs was a gay life; social affairs were elaborate and highly organized; beautiful women minuetted with white-wigged planters or, drawn by the soft air and the bright moon, flirted on the cool terraces.

In contrast to the brilliant life of the planter was the existence of the Negro slaves. Poverty and filth were their constant lot, ignorance, their heritage. Nothing was done for their comfort. Fear that family ties might develop too strongly caused the planters to separate fathers and sons, husbands and wives.

Evolution of Self-Government

Out of this ignorant, maltreated population came three figures, great men of all times, black Napoleons. Each had a dream of empire and each desired to create a free country for his fellow-blacks. The first of these was a wizened little doctor who made the Haitians realize that they could achieve their dream. Toussaint was his name; L'ouverture he was called because of his enormous success. When he was trapped by the French, Dessalines and Christopher followed in his footsteps. Although each met a tragic death, they accomplished something, for a black empire had been set up, and despite the fighting that ensued between blacks and mulattoes the foreigners at least had been driven out and black people ruled themselves in the Island of Haiti. By 1820 the tradition was established and Haiti set about the business of self-government.

Ignorance of the Population

The remarkable thing is not how badly this Island of Haiti was governed, how great the corruption and mismanagement, but that any government at all existed for so long, considering the condition of the people from whom it sprang. Even its eventual and almost inevitable failure was a "beau geste".

Not only was Haiti burdened by all the characteristics which made stable government in Latin-American countries such a difficult problem, but in addition there were certain peculiarities which complicated the situation. Ignorance, illiteracy, and inexperience were nearly universal. Although there was a small group of intellectually elite who had had training abroad, the mass of the population was unlettered. Furthermore, both the peasants and the Government were poor. Then again, Haiti was made a republic and, though the plan was simple, the people were unable to function properly as citizens because they hardly knew what the word meant.

Instead of being a democracy, therefore, Haiti came to be ruled by dictators. Only two of twenty-four Presidents retired peacefully after completing their terms. A President remained in power as long as his armed forces were stronger than those of the combined opposition. Anxious to attain power, general after general made a grab at the Presidency, and revolution followed revolution. Bribery and corruption were part and parcel of the whole system. From collectors of taxes to school teachers, all tried to get a little more for themselves by playing politics.

To add to her burdens--and this was the straw that broke the camel's back, causing intervention--Haiti was without money. Always broke, she was at a continuous disadvantage in negotiating loans, and even her most astute diplomats had neither the experience nor the knowledge to cope with the shrewd European bankers. Thus she came out at the wrong end of nearly every bargain.

Financial Difficulties

This sorry tradition was established indeed at the very outset, for when Haiti gained her independence she was forced to indemnify the French planters, and in order to meet these payments she contracted a loan from France, in addition to several internal loans that she already had floated. These loans were secured by her import and export duties, which were her principal source of income. Due to he constant change of administration and the resultant corruption and bribery little was realized from internal taxes and even a large percentage of the customs went to Presidential appointees or favorite generals whose support was needed. Little or nothing from the revenues went for productive purposes; they were all tied up to meet the loan payments. Thus, though the Government was able to meet the interest payments on its loans, it never had any money for administrative purposes. The Haitian Government was therefore constantly borrowing more money, and with each successive loan realizing less and less of the total amount of the flotation. The bonds were increasingly hard to sell, both in Haiti and abroad, and as the bankers knew that payment in full was a dim and distant prospect they demanded huge commissions for their services.

National Bank Established

So by 1910 finances were chaotic. The Government had no money on hand for its work; the foreign obligations were a tangled mess, and a complete reorganization necessarily was decided upon. A new national bank was formed and given the privilege of coining money and carrying out the Treasury functions of the Government. The contract between the Haitians and the bank provided that disputes were to be settled by arbitration and that there was to be no diplomatic intervention. The bank was originally a French corporation. The United States protested, however, against "the establishment in Haiti of a monopoly which excluded American enterprise" and declared the contract "disastrous to the sovereignty of Haiti and unjust in its operations in regard to the people and Government of Haiti." The French Company agreed to allow a group of American bankers, headed by the National City Bank of New York, to subscribe to 8,000 out of 40,000 shares. Despite the official protest of the United States the contract provisions in regard to Haiti were never changed.

Complications with Railroad

Haiti further bound herself by signing another contract for a railroad. The National City Bank of New York was directly or indirectly involved in the railroad company. This second contract had many complicated features in connection with building the road, and also contained the provisions that there should be no diplomatic intervention. Trouble soon developed between the railroad and the Haitian Government. The latter threatened to selves property belonging to the railroad on the ground that the contract had not been fulfilled. The company requested intervention from the United States.

In the meantime Haiti was also having a disagreement with the national bank, and matters came to a head in 1914 and 1915, when the bank, because of insufficient collateral, refused the Government money sufficient for its needs, and the Government, contrary to the contract, began coining money to meet the emergency. Differences developed, during which the bank appealed to the United States for help. Before help could come there were two revolutions in rapid succession, and the bank in high alarm asked the United States to send a warship, and quickly. But when this arrived the bank's chief concern proved to be the shipment to New York of gold belonging in whole or in part to the Haitian Government.

American Intervention

The new President, named Sam, was now desperate; new rebellion was brewing and he was absolutely without funds. In order to inspire his enemies with fear he ordered the massacre of 200 political prisoners. That strategy failed to tally, for the enraged populace grabbed President Sam from the French legation, where he had taken refuge, and literally tore him into bits. Pandemonium broke out, and on the following morning, July 28, 1915, Admiral Caperton landed troops and the American intervention began.

Some Haitians claim that conditions were not desperate, that matters could have been righted without the use of force, and that neither foreign lives nor foreign interests, as represented by the loans, had in any way been threatened. It is true that Haiti was not in arrears on any of her payments. They also claim that the republic's embarrassing financial position had been brought about by the bank and the railroad. They insist that the National City Bank was behind these two and had done everything in its power to bring about a pretext for American intervention, feeling that its interest would be furthered by American intervention, and hence not at all averse to any plausible excuse for forcing the hand of the State Department.

American Justification

The first reason ascribed for intervention was humanitarianism of a Whitman's-burden nature; conditions in Haiti were bad; "anarchy, savagery and repression" prevailed, and troops went in to clean up. Second, the State Department had been pressed not only to protect American interests already in Haiti but to allow these interests--notably the National City Bank--to, extend their activities. Last, we did not want any foreign power intervening in a land that was so near the Panama Canal; the Monroe Doctrine, as it had been reedited, covered any action on the part of a foreign country to protect its citizens or their property; hence we had to do the intervening, protecting first.

Debate as to Legality

There has been much argument and debate on the legality and justice of American intervention, but, whatever the justice, discussion is probably somewhat academic at present in view of the fact that marines are there now and should remain until 1936. As to the methods used to obtain control, there is sharper criticism, for until American plans were carried out funds were held up and the Haitian Government was left without means to pay salaries. The National Assembly, which refused to adopt a new constitution favorable to the Americans, was dissolved, and has never met since. A new constitution, granting the right to foreigners to hold property and containing various other features favorable to a continuance of American control, was drawn up and submitted to the people. It was adopted and the present lively debate is over the fairness of the campaign for it, and of the election itself.

Revolutions broke out in the north and interior of Haiti and were put down, the natives say, by unnecessarily brutal methods. A corvee system was instituted to build roads, but this administration, too, brought bitter complaint. The fact that much of the American personnel spoke no French and most of the natives no English naturally impeded progress and cooperation.

From 1915 to 1922, however, little was accomplished, for there was continual bickering and disagreement between the Haitian Government and the Americans. But in 1922 a new President, Borno, was elected. He proved very friendly to American plans. From then until the present time there has been more of less cooperation between the native Government and the American occupation.

We have both civil and military authorities in Haiti. The latter have organized a gendarmerie, which keeps order. It was at first officered entirely by Americans, but now to a considerable extent by natives. Through engineers from the United States Navy, we supervise the building of roads, and today there are more of these, and in better condition, than formerly; the Haitian complaint is that they have been built to facilitate luxurious automobile traffic which only the Americans can afford.

American Activities in Haiti

The civil authorities have done their best job in the field of public health. A medical school, in which the lecturers are Haitians, is flourishing and many clinics and hospitals have been established in rural districts.

The main American activity just now is in connection with the budget and financial rehabilitation. There is a general director of all American activities in Haiti, a financial adviser, and under him a score of assistants. The Americans have the veto power over all expenditures and, in fact, new laws must generally be submitted first to the financial adviser or to some other designated American.

Obviously, largely as a result of control, the country is now on a sound financial basis. The old loans have all been called in and new ones substituted. Taxes are collected regularly and yield much more than formerly. The export duty has been greatly reduced and Haiti is now exporting more than she imports. Altogether the country is more prosperous and better off from an economic standpoint than it was when the Americans took it over.

Nearly everyone is willing to admit that the problems in Haiti has not been solved and that the six years left us is a short time for accomplishing needed changes.